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ense 


South  Cai .    .  Handbook 
of  the  War 


I 


THE  SOUTH  CAROLINA 

HANDBOOK  OF 

THE  WAR 

"It  is  not  an  armij  we  must  shape  and  train  for  war;  It  is  <\  nation 

WOODROW  WILSON 


<^ 


ISSUED  BY 

THE  SOUTH  CAROLINA  STATE  COUNCIL  OF  DEFENSE 


THE  SOUTH  CAROLINA 

HANDBOOK  OF 

THE  WAR 


"It  is  not  an  annij  we  must  sliape  and  train  ior  war;    it  is  a  nation 

WOODROW  WILSON 


ISSUED  BY 

THE  SOUTH  CAROLINA  STATE  COUNCIL  OF  DEFENSE 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Preface    • 7 

Foreword — D.  R.  Coker 9 

Organization  of  State  Council  of  Defence 12 

County  Chairmen M 

PART  I— AMERICA  AND  THE  WORLD  WAR 
How  the  War  Came  to  Europe — 

From  a  Clear  Sky— W.  S.  D.,  University  of  Minnesota 17 

How   the   War   Came   to    Belgium— W.    S.    D.,    University   of 

Minnesota    ^9 

How    Belgium    Responded— Baron    Moncheur,    Head    of    the 

Belgian  Mission   22 

The  Ethics  of  the  Invasion  of  Belgium— John  Delafield 24 

Where   the   War   Has    Hit   the   Hardest:    Poland— W.    S.   D., 

University  of  Minnesota 24 

Hozv  the  JVar  Came  to  America — 

The  Submarine  Aggressions— W.  S.  D.,  University  of  Minne- 
sota      25 

America's  Case  Against  Germany — National  Security  League's 

Handbook    27 

Why  We  Are  Fighting  Germany — Franklin  K.  Lane 28 

America   Caught  by  the   Inevitable — From   President  Wilson's 

Flag  Day  Address  3° 

The  German  Tragedy — Henry  W.  Farnam 32 

A  Solemn  Moment — Shailer  Mathews 33 

America's  Attitude — James  M.  Beck 33 

The  Issue:  Autocracy  against  Democracy — William  C.  Redfield.  34 

The  Menace  of  Prussianism — 

How  Germany  Is  Governed — W.  S.  D..  University  of  Minne- 
sota      35 

Why     Germany     Is     Not     a     Democracy — National     Security 

League's  Handbook 37 

Germany's  Theory  of  War :  "Out  of  Their  Own  Mouths" 39 

Terrorism  in  Action:  Three  German  Military  Proclamations...  40 
The    Prussian    Preparation    for    World    Conquest — Dr.    E.    W. 

Sikes  41 

German  Frightfulness — Hunter  A.  Gibbes 43 


ooc:^^c:>« 


4  Contents 

Page 

Prussianism's  Perfect  Work— Saturday  Evening  Post 43 

Germany's  Wars  between  1871-1914— Literary  Digest 44 

The  Tajk  of  America — 

Wake  Up,  America  !— Pomeroy  Burton 45 

America  Saved  by  the  Allies— Richard  H.  Edmonds 46 

The  Crisis— William  Mather  Lewis 47 

What  Would  Happen  If  ?— Oklahoma  State  Council  of  Defense.  47 

Concerning  Loyalty — 

No  Room  for  Treachery— Richard  H.  Edmonds 47 

The  Soldiers'  Question— Richard  H.  Edmonds 48 

Rules  for  Disloyalists — The  Independent 50 

What  "America"  Means— Robert  McNutt  McElroy 51 

United  America — W.  J.  Bryan 52 

The  Road  to  Peace — 

The  Peace  Terms— Murphy's  Cartoon  in  New  York  American.  53 

No  Peace  in  Sight — Oklahoma  State  Council  of  Defence 54 

The  German  Intrigue  for  Peace — President  Wilson 54 

The  Test  of  the  Peace  to  Come— President  Wilson 56 

United  in  War  for  the  Sake  of  Peace— W.  J.  Bryan 57 

Two    World    Peace    Programs — National     Security    League's 

Handbook   57 

With  Our  Faces  Toward  the  Light — President  Wilson 58 

PART  II— THE  VOICE  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA 

Governor  Richard  I  Manning 61 

Senator  B.  R.  Tillman 61 

Senator  E.  D.  Smith 62 

.Attorney  General  Thos.  H.  Peeples 62 

Assistant  Attorney  General  Claud  N.  Sapp 63 

Christie  Benet,  Columbia 63 

H.  H.  Blease,  Newberry 65 

Lowndes  J.   Browning,  Union 66 

Robert  A.  Cooper,  Laurens 67 

William  Spencer  Currell,  Columbia 68 

Geo.  B.  Cromer,  Newberry 68 

John  L.  McLaurin,  Bennettsville 69 

T.  G.  McLeod,  Bishopville 70 

John  G.  Richards,  Liberty  Hill 72 

Olin  Sawyer,  Georgetown 72 

Chas.  Carroll  Simms,  Barnwell 74 

Henry  N.  Snyder,  Spartanburg 75 


Contents  5 

Page 

W.  A.  Stuckey,  Bishopville 76 

John  E.  White,  Anderson 76 

The  South's  Responsibility  in  the  War— R.  S 17 

PART  III— HOW  YOU  CAN  HELP  WIN  THE  WAR 

f  Mainly  by  Members  of  The  State  Council  of  Defense] 

Stop  Criticizing,  Cheer  Up,  and  Get  Busy — Christie  Benet 81 

Help    the    Allies    and    Support    the    Administration — E.    R.    Buck- 
ingham     81 

Carry  Out  Existing  Ideas — Ira  B.  Dunlap 82 

Fight  Germany  on  the  Other  Side — William  Elliott 82 

Every  Man  Needed — William  Godfrey 82 

Economize  and  Support  the  Administration — W.  I.  Johns 82 

Stand  Back  of  the  Government  and  the  Army — J.  Ross  Hanahan. . .  83 

South  Carolina's  Duty  in  the  Food  Situation — W.  W.  Long 84 

One  Hundred  Per  Cent.  Loyalty— A.  C.  Phelps 86 

Show  Your  Faith— W.  M.  Riggs 87 

Loyalty  and  Service — Frank  J.  Simmons 87 

Produce  and  Conserve — J.  E.  Sirrine 87 

Food  Conservation — A.  V.  Snell 87 

Subscribe  to  the  Liberty  Loan — Joe  Sparks,  ex-Secretary  Council 

of  Defense  88 

More  Corn  and  Less  Wheat — John  T.  Stevens 89 

Public  Health — Horace  L.  Tilghman 89 

Unselfish    Patriotism — Bright  Williamson 90 

Help  the  Red  Cross — National  Security  League's  Handbook 90 

Economize — National  Security  League's  Handbook 90 

Our  Educational  Creed — S.  H.  Edmunds 91 

The  Germ  as  Deadly  as  the  German — David  R.  Coker 92 


PREFACE 

THIS  Handbook  was  authorized  by  the  South  CaroHna 
State  Council  of  Defense  at  its  meeting  in  Sumter,  Sep- 
tember 6.  The  committee  in  charge  of  compiHng  it  consisted 
of  Reed  Smith,  Chairman,  Columbia;  William  Banks,  Colum- 
bia; Christie  Benet,  Columbia;  William  Elliott,  Columbia; 
Hunter  A.  Gibbes,  Columbia;  C.  O.  Hearon,  Spartanburg; 
Robert  Lathan,  Charleston ;  Joe  Sparks,  Columbia. 

In  the  words  of  the  National  Security  League's  Handbook, 
"The  task  to  which  this  book  is  meant  to  contribute  is  a  task 
more  fundamental  than  any  other,  when  a  democracy  prepares 
for  war — that  of  informing  the  understanding,  of  awakening 
the  moral  vision  and  the  moral  passion,  of  the  entire  people, 
concerning  the  cause  for  which  they  fight.  It  is  essential  to 
bring  to  the  mind  of  every  honest  and  loyal  citizen  the  moment- 
ousness  of  the  present  crisis ;  to  make  him  or  her  understand 
what  deep  concerns  of  humanity  are  at  stake ;  to  bring  all  to 
feel  that  America  has  never  entered  upon  a  more  just  or  more 
necessary  war." 

Incomparably  the  finest  utterances  on  the  war  are  the  great 
State  Papers  of  President  Wilson.  These  are  available  through 
two  booklets  issued  by  the  Committee  on  Public  Information, 
"How  the  War  Came  to  America"  (containing  as  appendices 
the  President's  address  to  the  Senate  on  January  22.  his  War 
Message  of  April  2,  and  his  Flag  Day  Speech  of  June  14) 
and  "The  War  Message  and  Facts  Behind  It,"  an  annotated 
text  of  President  Wilson's  message  of  April  2.  Copies  of  these 
pamphlets  will  be  furnished  by  the  South  Carolina  State  Coun- 
cil of  Defense.  Reed  Smith. 

Columbia,  Sept.  29,  19 17. 


FOREWORD 

To  Those  Patriotic  Carolinians  Who  Are  So  Faithfully  Co- 
operating With  the  Council  of  Defense  in  All  of  Its  Tasks: 

As  I  begin  this  paragraph  my  eye  rests  upon  the  imprint  of 
the  great  seal  of  the  State  with  its  circhng  Latin  phrases — 
one,  Duui  Spiro  Spcro — the  motto  of  the  optimist ;  the  other, 
Animis  Opibusque  Parati — the  ideal  of  the  patriot.  These 
words  should  be  our  beacon  lights  in  the  great  campaign  to 
make  our  State  ready  to  fulfil  our  every  obligation  to  the 
Nation  in  war,  and  to  live  fully  up  to  her  noble  traditions. 

Optimism  we  must  have.  We  must  believe  in  ourselves,  our 
people  and  our  cause  in  order  that  our  State  through  the 
efforts  of  all  her  patriotic  sons  and  daughters  may  be  "pre- 
pared in  mind  and  in  works"  to  do  her  full  share  in  defense  of 
our  sacred  and  inalienable  rights  which  have  been  ruthlessly 
violated  by  a  brutal  autocracy. 

We  must  go  throughout  the  State  telling  the  people  of  the 
great  issues  which  are  at  stake — of  the  fearful  crimes  against 
God  and  humanity  which  we  now  see  are  a  part  of  the  military 
policy  of  our  antagonists ;  of  the  purpose  of  world  domination 
and  world  destruction  which  our  adversaries  have  evidenced 
in  their  total  disregard  of  treaty  obligations ;  in  their  universal 
spy  system  ;  in  their  arrogant  assumption  of  dominion  over 
the  sea ;  in  their  destruction  without  pretense  of  right  of 
neutral  life  and  neutral  property;  in  their  abuse  of  all  diplo- 
matic privileges  and  amenities ;  in  their  murder  of  countless 
thousands  of  peaceful  non-combatants  in  Belgium,  Poland, 
Servia  and  Armenia. 

This  little  handbook  is  intended  to  help  you  in  your  work, 
of  informing  the  people  and  securing  universal  co-operation 
in  the  performance  of  the  tasks  which  the  government  expects 
of  us  all. 


lo  Foreword 

Our  aim  must  be  to  weld  the  people  of  South  Carolina  into 
a  unit  for  patriotic  co-operation  to  win  the  war.  There  must 
be  no  slackers.  All  must  enlist  and  enlist  they  will  if  the 
great  cause  is  properly  presented. — David  R.  Coker,  Hartsville, 
Chairman  South  Carolina  State  Council  of  Defense. 


THE  SOUTH  CAROLINA  STATE  COUNCIL 

OF  DEFENSE 

Headquarters 

UNION  NATIONAL  BANK  BUILDING 

Rooms  703  and  704 

Columbia,  S.  C. 

Governor  RICHARD  I.  MANNING,  ex  officio. 
D.  R.  COKER,  Chairman. 
WILLIAM  ELLIOTT,  Vice-Chairman. 
REED  SMITH,  Executive  Secretary. 

STATE  COUNCIL 


Appointed  by  Governor   Richard   I. 
Council  of  National  Defense. 

William  Banks,  Columbia 

Christie  Benet,  Columbia 

E.  M.  Blythe,  Greenville 

E.  R.  Buckingham,  Ellenton 

D.  R.  Coker,  Hartsville 

Ira  B.  Dunlap,  Rock  Hill 

William  Elliott,  Columbia 

Wm.  Godfrey,  Cheraiv 

J.  Ross  Hanahan,  Charleston 

Dr.  James  A.  Hayne,  Columbia 

C.  O.  Hearon,  Spartanburg 

W.  I.  Johns,  Baldock 

Robert  Lathan,  Charleston 

W.  W.  Long,  Clemson  College 

Mrs.  F.  Louise  Mayes,  Greenville 

Miss  E.  E.  McClintock, 
Nezi)  York  City 


Manning  at  the   direction  of  the 

Robert  McDougall,  Columbia 
A.  F.  McKissick,  Greemvood 
Dr.  F.  H.  McLeod,  Florence 
A.  C.  Phelps,  Sumter 
John  G.  Richards,  Columbia 
W.  M.  Riggs,  Clemson  College 
Frank  Simmons,  Charleston 
J.  E.  Sirrine,  Greenville 
Reed   Smith,  Columbia 
A.  V.  Snell,  Charleston 
John  T.  Stevens,  Kershaw 
W.  A.  Stuckey,  Bishopville 
Horace  L.  Tilghman,  Marion 
J.  W.  Wassum,  Greenville 
Bright  Williamson,  Darlington 
Dr.  John  E.  White,  Anderson 


12 


Organization 


ORGANIZATION   OF   STATE   COUNCIL   OF   DEFENSE 
EXECUTIVE  AND  FINANCE  COMMITTEE 

D.  R.  COKER.  Chairman Hartsville 

WILLIAM  ELLIOTT,  Vice-Chairman Columbia 

REED  SMITH,  Executive  Secretary Columbia 

JOHN  G.  RICHARDS,  Union  National  Bank Columbia 

CHRISTIE  BENET Columbia 

J.  ROSS  HANAHAN Charleston 

W.  \V.  LONG Clemson  College 

IRA  B.  DUNLAP Rock  Hill 

PUBLICITY 

ROBERT  LATH  AN,  Chairman Charleston 

WILLIAM  BANKS Columbia 

C.  O.  HEARON Spartanburg 

REED  SMITH Columbia 

A.  V.  SNELL Charleston 

MILITARY  MATTERS 

E.  M.  BLYTHE.  Chairman Greenville 

DR.  F.  H.  McLEOD Florence 

WILLIAM  GODFREY Cheraw 

PRODUCTION  AND  CONSERVATION  OF  FOODSTUFFS 

BRIGHT  WILLIAMSON,  Chairman Darlington 

W\  W.  LONG Clemson  College 

A.  C.   PHELPS Sumter 

INDUSTRIES 

CHRISTIE  BENET,  Chairman Columbia 

ROBERT  McDOUGALL  Columbia 

JOHN  T.  STEVENS Kershaw 

TRANSPORTATION 

J.  W.  WASSUM,  Chairman Greenville 

FRANK  SIMMONS Charleston 

W.  A.  STCCKEY Bishopville 

ALLEVIATION  OF  DISTRESS  CAUSED  BY  ENLISTMENT 

HORACE  L.  TILGHMAN,  Chairman Marion 

DR.  JAS.  A.  HAYNE Columbia 

W.  A.  STUCKEY Bishopville 

CO-OPERATION  OF  ACTIVITIES  OF  PATRIOTIC  ORGAN- 
IZATIONS 

DR.  JOHN  E.  WHITE,  Chairman Anderson 

MISS  E.  E.  McCLlNTOCK,  400  W^  118  Street New  York  City 

E.  R.  BUCKINGHAM Ellenton 


Organization  13 

RESEARCH  AND  EDUCATION 

\\.  jM.  RIGGS.  Chairman Clcmson  College 

J.    E.    SIRRINE Greenville 

J.  ROSS  HANAH AN Charleston 

CO-OPERATION  WITH  NEGRO  ORGANIZATIONS 

W.  I.  JOHNS,  Chairman Baldock 

BRIGHT  WILLIAMSON Darlington 

DR.  JAS.  A.  HAYNE Columbia 

COMMITTEE  ON  AUDIT 

JOHN  G.  RICHARDS,  Chairman Columbia 

ROBERT  McDOUGALL  Columbia 

A.  C.  PHELPS Sumter 

MEDICINE  AND  SANITATION 

DR.  JAS.  A.  HAYNE,  Chairman Columbia 

DR.  F.  H.  McLEOD Florence 

MRS.  F.  LOUISE  MAYES Greenville 


14  Organization 

CHAIRMEN  OF  COUNTY  COUNCILS 

County  Chairman  Address 

Abbeville    W.   P.   Greene Abbeville 

Aiken    Walter  E.  Duncan Aiken 

Anderson  T.  Frank  Watkins Anderson 

Bamberg    E.  O.  Watson Bamberg 

Barnwell    A.  M.  Kennedy Williston 

Beaufort    George  Waterhouse  Beaufort 

Berkeley L.  G.  Fultz Moncks  Corner 

Calhoun    J.  E.  Wannamaker St.  Matthews 

Charleston    James  O'Hear Charleston 

Cherokee    Dr.  Lee  Davis  Lodge Gaffney 

Chester    R.  B.  Caldwell Chester 

Chesterfield    L.  C.  Hunley Chesterfield 

Clarendon  W.  C.  Davis Manning 

Colleton   W.  W.  Snioak Walterboro 

Darlington    Rev.  O.  T.  Porcher Darlington 

Dillon    W.  H.  Muller Dillon 

Dorchester    Dr.  J.  B.  Johnston St.  George 

Edgefield   N.  G.  Evans  Edgefield 

Fairfield  T.  K.  Elliott  Winnsboro 

Florence    J.  W.  McCown Florence 

Georgetown    J.  L  Hazard Georgetown 

Greenville    J.  B.  Bruce  Greenville 

Greenwood    J.  M.  Gaines Greenwood 

Hampton    E.  R.  Ginn Varnville 

Horry  F.  A.  Burroughs  Conway 

Jasper  Senator  H.  K.  Purdy Ridgeland 

Kershaw   C.  W.  Birchmore Camden 

Lancaster    Rev.  Hugh  R.  Murchison Lancaster 

Laurens    Dr.  R.  E.  Hughes  Laurens 

Lee    H.  W.  Woodward  Bishopville 

Lexington    D.  M.  Crosson Leesville 

McCormick  L.  W.  Harris  McCormick 

Marion   R.   J.   Blackwell Marion 

Marlboro   J.  L.  McLaurin  Bennettsville 

Newberry    Dr.  G.  Y.  Hunter Prosperity 

Oconee   R.  T.  Jaynes  Walhalla 

Orangeburg   J.  Rutledge  Connor Eutawville,  R.  2 

Pickens   W.  E.  Findley Pickens 

Richland    L.  L.  Hardin  Columbia 

Saluda    Dr.  L.  J.  Smith Ridge  Spring 

Spartanburg   Ben  Hill  Brown Spartanburg 

Sumter  A.  C.  Phelps Sumter 

Union    J.  Lowndes  Browning Union,  R.  2 

Williamsburg   George  A.  McElveen Kingstree 

York  (Eastern  Dist.) .  . .  John  W.  O'Neal Rock  Hill 

York   (Western  Dist.) . .  John  R.  Hart  York 


PARTI 
AMERICA  AND  THE  WORLD  WAR 


HOW  THE  WAR  CAME  TO  EUROPE 

From    a   Clear    Sky 

The  Opportunity. — In  191 4  the  German  army  was  at  the 
pink  of  perfection.  It  could  hardly  be  increased  or  improved. 
The  Russian  army  was  disorganized  after  the  Japanese  war 
and  many  strategic  railroads  were  still  unbuilt.  The  French 
army  sadly  lacked  heavy  artillery  and  other  equipment ;  be- 
sides France  seemed  rent  by  great  political  scandals.  Great 
Britain  appeared  to  be  controlled  by  pacifist  ministers  and  was 
threatened  by  civil  war  in  Ireland.  Now  or  never  was  the 
German  chance  for  a  great  increase  of  power.  The  precepts 
of  Frederick  the  Great  and  of  Bismarck  forbade  that  such  an 
opportunity  should  be  let  slip. 

The  Plot. — Serbia  was  a  weak  country  with  a  standing 
quarrel  (over  Bosnia)  with  Austria,  Germany's  supply  ally. 
Russia  was  the  protector  of  Serbia,  but  if  an  attack  were  made 
on  Serbia  either  ( i )  Russia  would  desert  Serbia  and  let  the 
Teutons  make  a  great  increase  of  power  in  the  Balkans  at 
little  risk  or  cost,  or  (2)  Russia  would  help  Serbia  with  arms, 
which  would  bring  on  the  great  war  that  the  Teutons  were 
sure  they  could  win.     Either  outcome  seemed  desirable. 

The  Pretext. — On  June  28,  1914,  the  Archduke  of  Austria, 
heir  to  the  throne,  Franz  Joseph,  was  murdered  at  Sarajevo, 
Bosnia,  by  assassins  who  seemed  to  have  been  instigated  from 
Serbia.  There  was  no  proof  of  official  sanction  by  Serbia  for 
the  deed,  but  here  was  an  excellent  pretext  for  an  ultimatum. 

The  Austrian  Ultimatum. — On  July  23,  1914,  at  a  time 
when  Europe  seemed  remarkably  quiet  and  when  many  diplo- 
mats were  on  vacation,  Austria  sent  .Serbia  a  "note"  demand- 
ing, not  merely  the  complete  punishment  of  all  her  anti- 
Austrian  agitators,  but  the  allowing  of  Austrian  officials  to 
enter  Serbia  to  take  charge  of  the  prosecution.  No  indepen- 
dent government  could  have  admitted  such  a  sweeping  claim. 
The  Austrians  must  have  imagined  the  Serbians  to  be  rabbits 
instead  of  men  to  have  proposed  this  and  expected  peace  to 


i8  How  THE  War  Came  to  Europe 

continue.  Serbia  zcas  given  forty-eight  hours  zvhcrein  to  decide 
betii'ccn  signing  ii7i.'ay  her  national  independence  or  war. 

Russia  Becomes  Involved. — Russia  as  Serbia's  "great 
brother"  begged  the  X'ienna  government  at  least  to  extend 
the  time  hmit  to  their  demands.  This  was  brusquely  refused. 
Serbia,  however,  consented  to  nearly  all  the  Austrian  demands, 
and  offered  to  submit  the  remainder  to  the  Hague.  Not  the 
least  attention  was  paid  to  the  suggestion.  Less  than  one  hour 
after  the  Serbian  reply  was  presented,  the  Austrian  minister 
quit  Belgrade.  On  July  28th,  1914,  Austria  declared  war  on 
Serbia,  although  practically  all  her  demands  had  been  con- 
ceded. 

Th^  Kaiser  Intrudes. — Russia  now  appealed  to  Germany  to 
mediate  between  herself  and  Austria,  making  it  plain  she  could 
not,  in  self-respect,  allow  Serbia  to  be  overwhelmed  without 
aid.  Kaiser  Wilhelm  affected  to  "mediate",  but  warned  the 
Czar  this  was  an  affair  between  Austria  and  Serbia,  and  if 
Russia  did  not  abandon  Serbia  a  great  war  would  follow. 
When  the  Czar  began  to  mobilize  (following  mobilization 
already  by  Austria)  the  Kaiser  took  the  attitude  that  Russia 
was  really  threatening  Germany,  not  Austria,  and  began  coun- 
ter preparations. 

The  Kaiser  Forces  War. — England  and  France  (friendly  to 
Russia  but  anxious  for  peace)  frantically  offered  moderating 
counsels.  At  Vienna  the  dangers  of  the  situation  at  length 
dawned,  and  friendly  discussions  with  Russia,  for  a  compro- 
mise, seemed  about  to  recommence.  Then  as  if  panic-stricken 
lest  their  plot  be  spoiled  the  war-lords  in  Berlin  caused  an 
ultimatum  to  be  sent  to  the  Czar  giving  him  twelve  hours  to 
demobilize  or  Germany  would  strike.  A  similar  demand  was 
sent  to  France  (Russia's  ally).  The  tones  of  these  mandates 
were  utterly  insulting.  No  great  nation  could  have  cringed 
to  them.  August  ist,  1914,  Germany  declared  war  on  Russia, 
although  the  latter  was  still  at  peace  zvith  Austria,  in  whose 
behalf  the  Kaiser  claimed  to  be  a^cting. 

The  Road  to  Paris. — Prussian  military  plans  required  the 
first  attack  should  be  on  innocent  France,  whose  only  crime 
was  that  she  would  not  betray  her  Russian  ally.  The  best 
road  to  Paris  lay  across  Belgium,  and  whether  Germany  would 


How  THE  War  Came  to  Europe  19 

forego  martial  advantage  out  of  respect  for  the  neutral  rights 
of  a  small  neighboring  state  and  for  her  plighted  honor  had 
long  been  a  mooted  question  in  European  military  circles.  The 
German  choice  between  advantage  and  honesty  was  soon  man- 
ifest. On  August  4,  19 1 4,  the  Germans  entered  Belgium,  an 
unoffending,  happy  country,  whose  7,000,000  peaceful  people 
had  not  one  iota  of  interest  in  the  miserable  Balkan  quarrel, 
nor  in  the  affairs  of  Austria,  Germany,  Russia  or  France. 

The  Scrap  of  Paper. — England  had  been  very  friendly  to 
France  and  Russia,  but  there  was  no  formal  alliance.  A  strong 
peace  party  existed,  and  England  might  well  have  kept  out  of 
the  war — at  least  for  the  first  few  months  when  (as  events 
turned  out)  Germany,  without  English  intervention,  might 
have  won  a  complete  victory.  But  England's  honor  was  deeply 
concerned  in  defending  her  treaty,  which  guaranteed  Belgium. 
The  violation  of  this  solemn  compact  silenced  the  British  peace 
advocates.  When  the  British  ambassador  went  to  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  to  give  Germany  the  choice  between  keeping  honor 
as  to  Belgium  or  fighting  England,  the  Chancellor  cynically 
demanded  whether  England  would  go  to  war  "just  for  a  scrap 
of  paper?" 

German  statesmen  evidently  misunderstood  the  way  in 
which  Frenchmen,  Englishmen  and  Americans  take  solemn 
treaties  and  promises. 

England  declared  war  on  August  5,  1914. 

The  Austrian  note  to  Serbia  had  been  presented,  out  of  an 
almost  clear  sky,  on  July  23rd.  Only  tivelve  days  had  sufficed 
to  change  the  world  from  Eden  to  Gehenna.  W^hat  will  seem 
the  responsibility  of  the  Teutonic  arch-plotters  when  they 
stand  at  the  bar  of  universal  history? — W.  S.  D.,  in  Facts 
About  the  War,  University  of  Minnesota. 

How  the  War  Came  to  Belgium 

The  violation  of  Belgium  made  it  practically  impossible  for 
all  but  hopelessly  prejudiced  people  to  look  with  favor  upon 
the  German  cause.  It  became  a  standing  refutation  of  the 
claim  that  the  Teutons  fought  merely  in  defense  of  their  sorely 
assailed  "Kultur,"  and  not  for  brutal  aggrandizement.  The 
main  facts  are  known  to  every  intelligent  person,  but  there  is 


20  How  TiiK  War  Came  to  Europe 

utilitv  in  marking  the  exact  stages  which  led  up  to  what  has 
been  called  "the  most  ivoeful  event  in  history." 

1839.  Prussia.  France,  England,  Austria  and  Russia  sign 
a  joint  treaty  guaranteeing  the  "perpetual  neutrality"  of  Bel- 
gium. 

1870.  Bismarck  (during  the  Franco-Prussian  war)  besides 
giving  assurances  to  England,  gives  Belgium  written  assur- 
ances that  her  neutrality  would  be  respected. 

i()07-  Second  Hague  Conference.  Convention  adopted  by 
all  the  powers  (including  Germany)  that  the  territory  of 
neutrals  was  inviolable,  that  no  armies  should  be  sent  across 
them,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  neutrals  to  resist  such 
attempts  by  force  of  arms. 

191 1.  Bethmann-Hollweg  directs  the  German  minister  at 
Brussels  to  assure  Belgium  "Germany  has  no  intention  of 
violating  Belgium  neutrality." 

1913.  \'on  Jagow  (Bethmann-Hollweg's  chief  assistant) 
declares  in  the  Reichstag  that  Germany  would  respect  the 
neutrality  of  Belgium,  and  the  international  treaties. 

July  31,  1914.  Bethmann-Hollweg  evades  the  question 
when  asked  by  the  English  ambassador  at  Berlin  whether  the 
neutrality  with  Belgium  would  be  respected  in  case  of  war 
with  France. 

Aug.  2,  19 1 4.  German  minister  at  Brussels  reassures  the 
Belgian  government  "unofficially"  that  so  far  as  he  knew  the 
neutrality  of  Belgium  would  be  respected. 

Aug.  2,  191 4.  (Later  in  same  day)  Germany  sends  word 
to  Brussels  that  in  view  of  [non-existent]  French  schemes 
for  violating  Belgium,  Germany  also  may  have  to  enter  the 
country. 

Aug.  3.  1914.  Belgium  denies  any  such  French  schemes 
exist  and  declares  that  Germany  should  not  threaten  her. 

Aug.  4.  19 14.  (6  .\.  M. )  Germany  formally  declares  war  on 
Belgium  for  having  declined  its  "well-intentioned  proposals." 
German  troops  begin  to  cross  the  frontier. 

Aug.  4,  1914  (later  in  same  day)  Bethmann-Hollweg  in 
Reichstag  boldly  avows  that  the  occupation  of  Belgium  "is 
contrary  to  the  dictates  of  international  laiv."  [But  from  mili- 
tary necessity]    "we  must  over-ride  the  just  protests  of  Bel- 


How  THE  War  Came  to  Europe  21 

gium.  The  wrong — I  speak  openly — we  are  committing,  we 
will  make  good  as  soon  as  our  military  goal  has  been  reached." 
"IVe  are  now  in  a  state  of  necessity,  and  necessity  knotvs  no 
law." 

And  so  Prussianism  unmasked  itself. 

The  Belgian  Deportations. — The  P>elgian  deportations  came 
two  years  after  Belgium  had  first  been  violated  by  the  Prus- 
sians. The  invaders  knew  perfectly  well  what  America  and 
other  then  neutral  nations  would  think  of  their  actions,  but  in 
contempt  for  us  and  for  every  possible  appeal  of  humanity 
they  went  ahead  in  cold  blood. 

In  the  fall  of  1916  the  German  authorities  having  stripped 
Belgium  of  all  raw  materials,  closed  her  factories,  ruined  her 
commerce,  starved  her  people  and  crushed  them  down  by  con- 
stant war  fines  ($8,000,000  per  month  regularly,  besides  many 
extra  and  greater  ones),  began  to  deport  the  inhabitants,  hus- 
bands, fathers  and  bread  winners — to  Germany,  there  to  toil 
at  forced  labor  in  German  factories  with  pitiful  wages  and 
rations,  or  to  starve  utterly  in  prison  camps  more  noxious  than 
even  the  worst  reserved  for  prisoners  of  war. 

Similar  deeds  can  hardly  be  recalled  since  the  wicked  days 
of  Sennacherib  of  Assyria  and  Nebuchadnezzar  of  Babylon. 

The  protests  of  Cardinal  Mercier  and  of  President  Wilson 
were  powerless  to  move  the  German  military  tyrants  of  Bel- 
gium (Von  Bissing  and  his  peers)  who  understood  no  con- 
siderations which  were  not  military,  no  appeal  save  that  of  the 
sword,  although  vague  promises  of  "mitigations"  were  ex- 
tended. 

Early  in  November  it  was  reported  that  the  Germans  were 
deporting  "all  men  fit  to  bear  arms,  rich  and  poor,  irrespective 
of  class,  whether  employed  or  unemployed.  Hunchbacks, 
cripples  and  one-armed  persons  alone  are  excepted.  These 
men  have  been  torn  in  thousands  from  their  families;  15.000 
from  Flanders  alone  are  sent  God  knows  where,  whole  train- 
loads  are  going  east  and  south."  Later  reports  so  swelled  the 
numbers  that  it  was  declared  the  intention  of  the  Germans  to 
deport  400,000  in  all  before  the  process  was  ended. 

Cardinal  Mercier.  the  heroic  primate  of  Belgium,  flung  this 
protest  to  the  horrified  world  :     "Today  all   able-bodied  men 


22  How  THE  War  Came  to  Europe 

are  carried  off  pell-mell,  penned  up  in  railway  vans  and 
deported  to  unknown  destinations  like  slave  gangs. 

"The  whole  truth  is  that  each  deported  ivorkman  means 
another  soldier  for  the  German  army.  He  will  take  the  place 
of  a  German  ivorkman,  zi'h-o  ivill  be  made  a  soldier. 

("Now]  parties  of  soldiers  enter  by  force  peaceful  homes 
tearing  youth  from  parent,  husband  from  wife,  father  from 
children.  They  bar  with  the  bayonet  the  door  through  which 
wives  and  mothers  wish  to  pass  to  say  farewell  to  those  de- 
parting. They  herd  their  captives  in  groups  of  tens  and 
twenties  and  push  them  into  cars.  As  soon  as  the  train  is  filled 
the  officer  in  charge  brusquely  waves  the  signal  for  departure. 
Thus  thousands  of  Belgians  are  being  reduced  to  slavery." 
[Xew  York  Times  "Current  History."  December,  1916,  p. 
478-481.] 

No,  this  has  not  happened  in  Nineveh  or  Babylon  or  in  the 
days  of  Nero  and  heathen  Rome. 

It  has  happened  just  a  few  weeks  or  months  ago. 

American  soldiers  (your  friends  perhaps)  will,  very  likely, 
soon  be  lying  dead,  killed  by  German  workmen  whom  these 
Belgian  slaves  have  released  from  the  factories  to  go  to  the 
trenches. 

We  are  at  war  with  Germany,  and  unless  we  defeat  her 
speedily  Americans  (whom  her  militarists  hate  as  they  never 
hated  harmless  Belgium)  will  suffer  worse  things  than  these. — 
IV.  S.  D.,  in  Facts  About  the  War,  University  of  Minnesota. 

How  Belgium  Responded 

"Three  years  ago  today,  Aug.  3,  1914,  my  country  was  free. 
On  August  2.  in  the  evening,  my  Government  had  received  a 
most  insulting  ultimatum  from  Germany,  demanding  unim- 
peded ])assage  for  her  troops  and  offering  a  bribe,  to  sell  our 
honor  and  to  disregard  our  plighted  word. 

"We  were  given  12  hours  within  which  to  reply.  The  time 
was  more  than  enough.  Yet,  there  could  be  only  one  answer. 
The  King  summoned  his  cabinet  and  his  ministers  of  state. 
They  were  all  of  one  mind.  In  fact,  there  was  absolute  unan- 
imity of  thought  in  every  Belgian  mind,  and  there  was  not  a 
dissenting  voice  in  the  council  of  the  King.     Belgium's  reply 


How  THE  War  Came  to  Europe  23 

was  sent  to  the  German  legation  before  7  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing of  August  3.  You  all  know  the  substance  of  that  reply. 
One  sentence  of  the  (locuiiicut  reads :  "The  Belgian  Govern- 
ment, if  they  were  to  accept  the  proposals  submitted  to  them, 
would  sacrifice  the  honor  of  the  nation  and  betray  their  duties 
toward  luirope.'  Neither  P)clgium's  liberty  nor  her  honor  was 
for  sale. 

"You  all  know  what  has  happened  since  that  fateful  day  three 
years  ago.  My  country  has  been  ravaged  with  fire  and  sword. 
Old  men,  women  and  children  have  been  deliberately  and 
ruthlessly  massacred.  Our  war  materials  and  our  crops 
have  been  seized  without  payment,  our  factories  have  been 
destroyed,  our  machinery  has  been  stolen  and  sent  into  Ger- 
many ;  and,  crowning  infamy  of  the  centuries,  our  workmen 
have  been  torn  from  their  homes  and  sent  into  slavery.  The 
Belgian  people  still  stand  caged  behind  steel  bars,  formed  of 
German  bayonets.  Those  who  have  escaped  fire  and  sword 
and  nameless  evils  are  still  hungry,  famished  and  enslaved, 
ground  down  beneath  the  heel  of  the  tyrant.  But  their  courage 
remains  unbroken  and  unbreakable. 

"No  true-hearted  Belgian  regrets  the  decision  which  was 
made  three  years  ago.  They  are  ready  to  lay  down  their  lives 
for  liberty.  They  know  that  in  the  end  justice  will  triumph.  As 
our  King  said  three  years  ago,  'A  country  which  defends  itself 
commands  the  respect  of  all  the  world  and  cannot  perish.'  " — 
Baron  Moncheiir,  Head  of  the  Bel^iun  Mission  to  the  United 
States,  in  an  address  before  the  Massachusetts  Constitutional 
Convention,  Boston,  Aug.  3,  191 7. 

When  a  deed  is  done  for  Freedom,  through  the  broad  earth's  aching 

breast 
Runs  a  thrill  of  joy  prophetic,  trembling  on  from  east  to  west; 
For  mankind  are  one  in  spirit,  and  an  instinct  bears  along. 
Round  the  earth's  electric  circle,  the  swift  flash  of  right  or  wrong; 
Whether  conscious  or  unconscious,  yet  Humanity's  vast  frame 
Through  its  ocean-sundered  fibres  feels  the  gush  of  joy  or  shame; — 
In  the  gain  or  loss  of  one  race  all  the  rest  have  equal  claim. 

— James  Russell  Lowell. 


24  How  THE  War  Came  to  Europe 

The  Ethics  of  the  Invasion  of  Belgium 

■'I  am  a  gentleman  of  independent  means  and  important 
position,  living  in  one  of  the  best  sections  of  Washington  City. 
I  have  money  and  all  the  comforts  of  life ;  but  my  family  is 
growing  up  rapidly  and  I  find  my  house  a  little  too  small.  I 
am  therefore  breaking  a  door  into  the  adjoining  house  where 
there  lives  a  widow  who  is  unable  to  defend  herself.  If  she 
is  quiet  and  submissive,  I  will  allow  her  to  occupy  the  hall 
room  on  the  third  floor.  But  if  she  says  a  word,  I  will  split 
ber  bead  open  with  a  battle-ax." — John  DelaHeld. 

Where  the  War  Has  Hit  the  Hardest :  Poland 

If  this  war  ends  without  the  redemption  of  Poland  as  a 
nation  and  without  all  the  Poles,  not  merely  those  in  Russia, 
but  in  Prussia  and  Austria  also,  being  united  under  their  own 
flag  and  government,  one  of  the  most  terrible  tragedies  in 
human  history  will  have  been  enacted  in  vain. 

Belgium  has  seemed  nearer,  but  Poland — the  battle  ground 
of  three  years  of  mighty  armies — has  suffered  even  more.  The 
alleged  facts  are  so  terrible  as  to  stagger  imagination,  yet 
they  seem  authentic.     Here  are  the  cold  figures : 

In  1914  there  were  34,000,000  Poles.  Since  then  14.000,000 
from  one  cause  or  another  have  perished.  (Try  to  think  what 
one  million  dead  persons  would  seem.) 

Practically  all  children  in  Poland  under  seven  years  of  age 
have  ceased  to  exist ;  disease  and  hunger  have  claimed  them  all. 

Property  worth  $11,000,000  has  been  destroyed. 

1,600  churches  have  been  destroyed. 

200  cities  and  towns  and  about  20,000  villages  have  been 
razed  to  tbe  ground.  [See  New  York  Times,  Current  His- 
tory, October,  1916,  p.  196.] 

And  all  this  was  smiling  country  full  of  industrious  and 
harmless  people  three  short  years  ago,  just  before  the  Kaiser 
and  his  military  "experts"  precipitated  war  on  less  than  two 
weeks'  notice. 

It  is  for  us  Americans  to  see  to  it  that  this  devil's  work 
can  never  bappen  again.— [/'.  S.  D.,  in  Facts  About  the  War, 
University  of  Minnesota. 


How  THE  War  Came  to  America  25 

HOW  THE  WAR  CAME  TO  AMERICA 

The    Submarine   Aggressions 

The  more  important  stages  whereby  American  patience  was 
exhausted : 

1.  Dec.  24th.  1914  (Christmas  Eve — fit  day!) — Admiral 
von  Tirpitz  throws  out  a  newspaper  suggestion  on  an  "unlim- 
ited submarine  policy,'"  and  directly  asks — "What  will  America 
say?" 

2.  Feb.  4th,  191 5.  Germany  declares  a  "war  zone"  around 
the  British  Isles,  without  protection  to  crew  or  ship  passengers. 

3.  Veh.  loth,  191 5.  America  warns  Germany  that  harm 
thus  done  to  American  citizens  will  involve  "strict  account- 
ability." 

4.  March  28th.  191 5.  "Falaba"  sunk,  one  American  per- 
ishes. 

5.  May  1st,  191 5-  American  steamer  "Gulflight"  tor- 
pedoed. 

6.  May  ist,  191 5.  German  embassy  publishes  warning  in 
New  York  and  other  American  papers  against  Americans  sail- 
ing on  "Lusitania,"  although  United  States  government  had 
decided  such  action  proper  and  lawful. 

7.  May  7th,  1915.  "Lusitania"  sunk;  114  Americans 
(many  women  and  children)  drowned. 

8.  May  15th,  191 5.  Mr.  Wilson's  "First  Note"  of  protest 
at  submarine  policy. 

9.  May  28th,  191 5.  German  rejoinder  defending  "Lusi- 
tania" sinking. 

10.  June  9th,  191 5.  Mr.  Wilson's  "Second  Note"  of  pro- 
test; just  subsequent  to  Mr.  Bryan's  resignation. 

11.  July  8th,  1915.  Germany  promises  Mr.  Gerard  at  least 
to  protect  American  and  neutral  ships. 

12.  July  2ist,  191 5.  Mr.  Wilson's  "Third  Note"  of  pro- 
test. 

13.  Aug.  19th,  1915-  "Arabic"  sunk  unwarned;  two 
Americans  perish. 

14.  Sept.  1st,  191 5.  Ambassador  Bernstorflf  gives  solemn 
promise  at  Washington  that  "liners"  will  not  be  sunk  without 
warning. 


26  How  THE  War  Came  to  America 

15.  Dec.  30th,  191 5.  "Persia"  sunk  unwarned  in  Medi- 
terranean ;  an  American  consul  going  to  his  post  of  duty  per- 
ishes. 

16.  Jan.  jth.  1916.  Germany  promises  still  again  that  in 
the  Mediterranean,  at  least,  no  ships  should  be  sunk  unwarned. 

17.  Feb.  i6th,  1916.  Germany,  seeking  a  money  compro- 
mise about  the  "Lusitania,"  says  that  she  has  now  "limited  her 
submarine  warfare,  because  of  her  long  standing  friendship 
with  the  United  States." 

18.  March  24th,  1916.  "Sussex"  (British  Channel  pas- 
senger steamer)  torpedoed.     Several  Americans  injured. 

19.  April  i8th.  1916.  (Following  clear  proof  in  the  Sus- 
sex affair  of  the  breach  of  German  promises)  Mr.  Wilson 
threatens  to  break  friendly  relations  unless  outrages  cease. 

20.  May  4th,  1916.  Germany  formally  promises  to  respect 
international  law  and  not  sink  ships  unwarned.  ("Promise 
No.  5.") 

21.  Oct.  9th,  1916.  A  German  submarine  sinks  five  mer- 
chant vessels  (one  Dutch  neutral)  off  American  coast.  Heavy 
loss  of  life  inevitable  if  American  destroyers  had  not  rescued 
passengers  and  crews. 

22.  Jan.  31st,  1917,  Germany  (having  now  built  sufficient 
U-boats)  tears  up  her  "pieces  of  paper"  to  us  and  proclaims 
"unlimited  submarine  warfare"  ("running  amuck,"  says  Mr. 
Wilson). 

23.  Feb.  3rd.  1917.  Mr.  Wilson  gives  von  Bernstorff  his 
passports. 

24.  Feb.  4  to  April  2,  1917.  Seven  American  ships  sunk; 
at  least  13  American  citizens  on  them  perish,  as  well  as  several 
on  non-American  ships. 

25.  April  2.  1917.     Mr.  Wilson  asks  for  war. 

These  are  ouly  part  of  the  outrages,  protests  and  promises : 
a  record  of  patience  on  our  part  unparalleled  in  history! — 
IV.  S.  D..  in  Facts  About  the  War,  University  of  Minnesota. 


How  THE  War  Came  to  America  27 

America's  Case  Against  Germany 

1.  Some  two  hundred  and  fifty  American  citizens,  exercising 
rig^hts  unquestioned  under  the  law  of  nations,  and  travehng 
under  the  presumed  protection  of  their  Government,  have  been 
killed  by  agents  of  the  Imperial  German  Government. 

2.  The  German  Government  was  solemnly  warned  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  on  February  10.  191 5,  that 
such  acts  were  "an  indefensible  violation  of  neutral  rights," 
and  that  our  Government  "would  take  any  steps  it  might  be 
necessary  to  take,  to  safeguard  American  lives,  and  to  secure 
to  American  citizens  full  enjoyment  of  their  acknowledged 
rights  on  the  high  seas." 

3.  In  spite  of  this  protest  and  warning,  more  than  once 
repeated,  such  unlawful  killing  of  Americans  continued  at 
intervals  during  two  years. 

4.  In  addition  to  the  submarine  attacks,  the  German  Govern- 
ment, through  its  diplomatic  representatives  and  other  agents, 
carried  on  throughout  191 5  and  1916  a  secret  campaign  against 
our  domestic  security  and  order,  by  fomenting  strikes,  hiring 
criminals  to  destroy  munition  plants  and  other  property,  sub- 
sidizing a  propaganda  of  disloyalty  among  citizens  of  German 
birth,  placing  spies  in  our  ofiices  of  government,  and  organ- 
izing upon  American  soil  unlawful  conspiracies  and  military 
expeditions  against  countries  with  which  we  w^ere  at  peace. 

5.  On  January  31,  191 7,  the  German  Government  pro- 
claimed that  it  would  destroy  without  warning,  and  without 
safeguarding  the  lives  of  passengers  and  seamen,  ships  of  any 
nationality  (regardless  of  the  character  of  their  cargoes  and 
their  destinations)  which  might  be  found  by  German  sub- 
marines in  certain  vast  areas  of  the  high  seas. 

6.  This  renewed  and  enlarged  threat,  and  defiance  of  the 
warnings  of  our  Government,  was  speedily  carried  out,  several 
American  ships,  some  of  them  bound  for  American  ports,  being 
destroyed,  with  loss  of  American  lives,  during  February  and 
March,  1917. 

7.  These  acts  constituted  acts  of  war  by  Germany  against 
the  United  States,  and  were  formally  recognized  as  such  by 
the  two  houses  of  Congress  on  April  4th  and  6th,  19 17.  JVe 
arc  at  ivar,  then,  because  Germany  made  zcar  upon  us.     We 


a8  How  THF.  War  Came  to  America 

had  no  alternative,  except  abject  submission  to  lawless  coer- 
cion.— Xational  Security  League's  Handbook. 

Why   We   Are   Fighting   Germany 

We  fight  Germany — 

Because  of  Belgium — invaded,  outraged,  enslaved,  impover- 
ished Belgium.  We  can  not  forget  Liege,  Louvain,  and  Car- 
dinal Mercicr.  Translated  into  terms  of  American  history, 
these  names  stand  for  Bunker  Hill,  Lexington,  and  Patrick 
Henry. 

Because  of  France — invaded,  desecrated  France,  a  million 
of  whose  heroic  sons  have  died  to  save  the  land  of  Lafayette. 
Glorious  golden  France,  the  preserver  of  the  arts,  the  land 
of  noble  spirit — the  first  land  to  follow  our  lead  into  repub- 
lican liberty. 

Because  of  England — from  whom  came  the  laws,  traditions, 
standards  of  life,  and  inherent  love  of  liberty  which  we  call 
Anglo-Saxon  civilization.  We  defeated  her  once  upon  the 
land  and  once  upon  the  sea.  But  Australia,  New  Zealand, 
Africa,  and  Canada  are  free  because  of  what  we  did.  And 
they  are  with  us  in  the  fight  for  the  freedom  of  the  seas. 

Because  of  Russia — New  Russia.  She  must  not  be  over- 
whelmed now.  Not  now,  surely,  when  she  is  just  born  into 
freedom.  Her  peasants  must  have  their  chance ;  they  must 
go  to  school  to  Washington,  to  Jefferson,  and  to  Lincoln  until 
they  know  their  way  about  in  this  new,  strange  world  of  gov- 
ernment by  the  popular  will. 

Because  of  other  peoples,  with  their  rising  hope  that  the 
world  may  be  freed  from  government  by  the  soldier. 

We  are  fighting  Germany  because  she  sought  to  terrorize 
us  and  then  to  fool  us.  We  could  not  believe  that  Germany 
would  do  what  she  said  she  would  do  upon  the  seas. 

We  still  hear  the  piteous  cries  of  children  coming  up  out  of 
the  sea  where  the  Lusitania  went  down.  And  Germany  has 
never  asked  forgiveness  of  the  world. 

We  saw  the  Sussex  sunk,  crowded  with  the  sons  and 
daughters  of  neutral  nations. 

We  saw  ship  after  ship  sent  to  the  bottom— ships  of  mercy 
lx>und  out  of  America  for  the  Belgian  starving;  ships  carry- 


How  TiiK  War  Came  t(j  Amkkica  29 

ing  the  Red  Cross  and  laden  with  the  wounded  of  all  nations ; 
ships  carryinjij  food  and  clothing  to  friendly,  harmless,  ter- 
rorized peoples ;  ships  flyinj^  the  Stars  and  Stripes — sent  to  the 
bottom  hundreds  of  miles  from  shore,  manned  by  American 
seamen,  murdered  ap^ainst  all  law,  without  warning. 

We  believed  Germany's  promise  that  she  would  respect  the 
neutral  flag  and  the  rights  of  neutrals,  and  we  held  our  anger 
and  outrage  in  check.  But  now  we  see  that  she  was  holding 
us  off  with  fair  promises  until  she  could  build  her  huge  fleet 
of  submarines.  For  when  spring  came  she  blew  her  promise 
into  the  air,  just  as  at  the  beginning  she  had  torn  up  that 
"scrap  of  paper."  Then  we  saw  clearly  that  there  was  but 
one  law  for  Germany — her  will  to  rule. 

\Ye  are  fighting  Germany  because  she  violated  our  confi- 
dence. Paid  German  spies  filled  our  cities.  Officials  of  her 
Government,  received  as  the  guests  of  this  Nation,  lived  with 
us  to  bribe  and  terrorize,  defying  our  law  and  the  law  of 
nations. 

We  are  fighting  Germany  because  while  we  were  yet  her 
friends — the  only  great  power  that  still  held  hands  oflf — she 
sent  the  Zimmermann  note,  calling  to  her  aid  Mexico,  our 
southern  neighbor,  and  hoping  to  lure  Japan,  our  western 
neighbor,  into  war  against  this  Nation  of  peace. 

The  nation  that  would  do  these  things  proclaims  the  gospel 
that  government  has  no  conscience.  And  this  doctrine  can 
not  live,  or  else  democracy  must  die.  For  the  nations  of  the 
world  must  keep  faith.  There  can  be  no  living  for  us  in  a 
world  where  the  state  has  no  conscience,  no  reverence  for  the 
things  of  the  spirit,  no  respect  for  international  law.  no  mercy 
for  those  who  fall  before  its  force.  What  an  unordered  world ! 
Anarchy  !    The  anarchy  of  rival  wolf  packs  ! 

We  are  fighting  Germany  because  in  th.is  war  feudalism  is 
making  its  last  stand  against  on-coming  democracy.  We  see 
it  now.  This  is  a  war  against  an  old  spirit,  an  ancient,  out- 
worn spirit.  It  is  a  war  against  feudalism — the  right  of  the 
castle  on  the  hill  to  rule  the  village  below.  It  is  a  war  for 
democracy — the  right  of  all  to  be  their  own  masters.  Let 
Germany  be  feudal  if  she  will,  but  she  must  not  spread  her 
system  over  the  world  that  has  outgrown  it.     Feudalism  plus 


30  How  Tin:  War  Came  to  America 

science,  tliirteenth  century  jilus  twentieth — this  is  the  religfion 
of  the  mistaken  Germany  that  has  linked  itself  with  the  Turk; 
that  has,  too.  adopted  the  method  of  Mahomet.  "The  state 
has  no  conscience."  "The  state  can  do  no  wrong."  With 
the  spirit  of  the  fanatic  she  believes  this  gospel  and  that  it  is 
her  duty  to  spread  it  by  force.  With  poison  gas  that  makes 
living  a  hell,  with  submarines  that  sneak  through  the  seas  to 
slyly  murder  non-combatants,  with  dirigibles  that  bombard 
men  and  women  while  they  sleep,  with  a  perfected  system  of 
terrorization  that  the  modern  world  first  heard  of  when  Ger- 
man troops  entered  China.  German  feudalism  is  making  war 
upon  mankind.  Let  this  old  spirit  of  evil  have  its  way  and  no 
man  will  live  in  America  without  paying  toll  to  it  in  manhood 
and  in  money.  This  spirit  might  demand  Canada  from  a 
defeated,  navyless  England,  and  then  our  dream  of  peace  on 
the  north  would  be  at  an  end.  We  would  live,  as  France  has 
lived  for  40  years,  in  haunting  terror. 

America  speaks  for  the  world  in  fighting  Germany.  Mark 
on  a  map  those  countries  which  are  Germany's  allies  and  you 
will  mark  but  four,  running  from  the  Baltic  through  Austria 
and  Bulgaria  to  Turkey.  All  the  other  nations  the  whole 
globe  around  are  in  arms  against  her  or  are  unable  to  move. 
There  is  deep  meaning  in  this.  We  fight  with  the  world  for 
an  honest  world  in  which  nations  keep  their  word,  for  a  world 
in  which  nations  do  not  live  by  swagger  or  by  threat,  for  a 
world  in  which  men  think  of  the  ways  in  wdiich  they  can 
conquer  the  common  cruelties  of  nature  instead  of  inventing 
more  horrible  cruelties  to  inflict  upon  the  spirit  and  body  of 
man,  for  a  world  in  which  the  ambition  or  the  philosophy  of  a 
few  shall  not  make  miserable  all  mankind,  for  a  world  in  which 
the  man  is  held  more  precious  than  the  machine,  the  system, 
or  the  staie.—Frankiu  K.  Lane,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

America  Caught  by  the  Inevitable 

it  is  plain  enough  how  we  were  forced  into  the  war.  The 
extraordinary  insults  and  aggressions  of  the  Imperial  German 
Government  left  us  no  self-respecting  choice  but  to  take  up 
arms  in  defense  of  our  rights  as  a  free  people  and  of  our 
honor  as  a  sovereign  government.     The  military  masters  of 


How  THE  War  Came  to  America  31 

Germany  denied  us  the  right  to  be  neutral.  They  filled  our 
unsuspecting  communities  with  vicious  spies  and  conspirators 
and  sought  to  corrupt  the  (:)])inion  of  our  people  in  their  own 
behalf.  When  they  found  that  they  could  not  do  that,  their 
agents  diligently  spread  sedition  amongst  us  and  sought  to 
draw  our  own  citizens  from  their  allegiance, — and  some  of 
those  agents  were  men  connected  with  the  official  Embassy  of 
the  German  Government  itself  here  in  our  own  capital.  They 
sought  by  violence  to  destroy  our  industries  and  arrest  our 
commerce.  They  tried  to  incite  Mexico  to  take  up  arms 
against  us  and  to  draw  Japan  into  a  hostile  alliance  with  her. — 
and  that,  not  by  indirection,  but  by  direct  suggestion  from  the 
Foreign  Office  in  Berlin.  They  impudently  denied  us  the  use 
of  the  high  seas  and  repeatedly  executed  their  threat  that  they 
would  send  to  their  death  any  of  our  people  who  ventured  to 
approach  the  coasts  of  Europe.  And  many  of  our  own  people 
were  corrupted.  Men  began  to  look  upon  their  own  neighbors 
with  suspicion  and  to  wonder  in  their  hot  resentment  and  sur- 
prise whether  there  was  any  community  in  which  hostile 
intrigue  did  not  lurk.  What  great  nation  in  such  circum- 
stances would  not  have  taken  up  arms?  Much  as  we  had 
desired  peace,  it  was  denied  us,  and  not  of  our  own  choice. 
This  flag  under  which  we  serve  would  have  been  dishonored 
had  we  withheld  our  hand. 

But  that  is  only  part  of  the  story.  We  know  now  as  clearly 
as  we  knew  before  we  were  ourselves  engaged  that  we  are  not 
the  enemies  of  the  German  people  and  that  they  are  not  our 
enemies.  They  did  not  originate  or  desire  this  hideous  war  or 
wish  that  we  should  be  drawn  into  it ;  and  we  are  vaguely 
conscious  that  we  are  fighting  their  cause,  as  they  will  some 
day  see  it,  as  well  as  our  own.  They  are  themselves  in  the 
grip  of  the  same  sinister  power  that  has  now  at  last  stretched 
its  ugly  talons  out  and  drawn  blood  from  us.  The  whole 
world  is  at  war  because  the  whole  world  is  in  the  grip  of  that 
power  and  is  trying  out  the  great  battle  which  shall  determine 
whether  it  is  to  be  brought  under  its  mastery  or  fling  itself 
free. 

The  war  was  begun  by  the  military  masters  of  Germany, 
v/ho  proved  to  be  also  the  masters  of  Austria-Hungary.    These 


32  How  THE  \\"ak  Came  to  America 

men  have  never  regarded  nations  as  peoples,  men,  women,  and 
children  of  like  blood  and  frame  as  themselves,  for  whom 
governments  existed  ;uul  in  whom  governments  had  their  life. 
They  have  regarded  them  merely  as  serviceable  organizations 
which  they  could  by  force  or  intrigue  bend  or  corrupt  to  their 
own  purpose.  They  have  regarded  the  smaller  states,  in  par- 
ticular, and  the  peoples  who  could  be  overwhelmed  by  force, 
as  their  natural  tools  and  instruments  of  domination.  Their 
purpose  has  long  been  avowed.  The  statesmen  of  other 
nations,  to  whom  that  purpose  was  incredible,  paid  little  atten- 
tion ;  regarded  what  German  professors  expounded  in  their 
classrooms  and  German  w-riters  set  forth  to  the  world  as  the 
goal  of  German  policy  as  rather  the  dream  of  minds  detached 
from  practical  affairs,  as  preposterous  private  conceptions  of 
German  destiny,  than  as  the  actual  plans  of  responsible  rulers ; 
but  the  rulers  of  Germany  themselves  knew  all  the  while  what 
concrete  plans,  what  well  advanced  intrigues  lay  back  of  what 
the  professors  and  the  writers  were  saying,  and  were  glad  to 
go  forward  unmolested,  filling  the  thrones  of  Balkan  states 
with  German  princes,  putting  German  ofificers  at  the  service 
of  Turkey  to  drill  her  armies  and  make  interest  with  her  gov- 
ernment, developing  plans  of  sedition  and  rebellion  in  India 
and  Egypt,  setting  their  fires  in  Persia.  The  demands  made 
by  Austria  upon  Servia  were  a  mere  single  step  in  a  plan  which 
compassed  Europe  and  Asia,  from  Berlin  to  Bagdad.  They 
hoped  those  demands  might  not  arouse  Europe,  but  they 
meant  to  press  them  whether  they  did  or  not,  for  they  thought 
themselves  ready  for  the  final  issue  of  arms. —  (From  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  Flag  Day  Address,  June  14,  1917.) 

The  German  Tragedy 
We  must  accept  the  German  challenge,  if  we  would  have 
peace.  If  we  were  contending  with  an  uncivilized  people,  we 
might  ho])e  to  gradually  educate  them  to  higher  standards, 
but  we  are  not.  We  are  contending  with  a  philosophy  of 
.scientific  savagery  evolved  by  people  who,  in  their  personal 
relations,  are  civilized,  but  who,  collectively,  acting  as  a  state, 
are  under  what  seems  to  many  a  tragic  obsession.  The  only 
thing  that  will  cure  them  of  this  obsession  is  a  conclusive  and 


How  THE  War  Came  to  America  33 

overwhelming  proof  that  it  does  not  pay,  and  that  can  only  be 
accomplished  by  defeat,  in  helping  to  bring  this  about,  the 
United  States  must  realize  it  will  be  rccjuired  to  make  a 
supreme  sacrifice.  It  will  need  not  only  all  of  its  physical  and 
material  resources,  hut  it  must  exemplify  the  very  highest 
moral  qualities  at  the  same  time.  Discipline,  self-restraint, 
courage  and  tenacity  must  be  shown,  if  we  are  to  rid  the  world 
of  the  plague  which  this  philosophy  has  brought  upon  it  and 
enable  civilized  man  to  again  resume  his  progress  in  the  direc- 
tion of  humanity,  respect  for  treaty  obligations,  and  inter- 
national decency. — Dr.  Henry  W.  Farnam  of  Yale  University. 

A    Solemn   Moment 

It  is  a  solemn  moment  when  a  nation  has  the  scales  of  faith 
in  another  nation  stripped  from  its  eyes  and  begins  to  see 
clearly,  l^'or  in  these  past  few  months  we  have  seen  a  nation 
we  have  honored,  whose  universities  we  have  attended,  wdiose 
literature  we  have  studied,  stripped  of  spiritual  leadership. 
Never  again  can  Germany  be  what  it  has  been  to  the  world. 
We  have  seen  brutality  where  we  had  been  accustomed  to  see 
power,  ruthlessness  where  we  had  seen  efficiency,  deception 
where  we  had  seen  ideals,  greed  for  land  and  money  where 
we  had  seen  philosophy  and  statecraft.  Germany  itself  has 
worked  the  disillusionment.  Germany  itself  has  transformed 
our  respect  into  apprehension,  our  neutrality  into  war.  Our 
task  is  perfectly  plain.  With  strong  faith  in  the  God  who  is 
carrying  things  forward  toward  freedom  and  justice,  we  set 
ourselves  to  defend  our  national  existence,  international  law, 
and  democracy. — Shailer  Matheivs  of  Chicago  University, 
Chautauqua,  N.  Y.,  July  4,  191 7. 

America's    Attitude 

It  is  infinitely  better  for  the  United  States  to  go  to  war, 
even  should  the  Allies  lose,  than  for  us  never  to  have  gone 
into  the  war. 

There  would  be  a  bar  sinister  across  the  escutcheon  of 
America  for  all  time  if  we  had  not  entered  the  war.  (And 
simply  sat  back  and  grown  rich  on  the  sorrows  of  the  rest  of 
the  w^orld.) 


34  How  THE  War  Came  to  America 

Too  many  in  this  country  regard  the  United  States  as  a 
great  corporation  from  which  they  draw  dividends,  but  to 
wliich  they  do  not  owe  any  duty. 

The  leading  nation  in  causing  this  war  has  exhibited  a 
mahgnant  treachery  of  which  the  Apache  Indians  would  be 
ashamed. 

If  a  man  three  years  ago  had  mentioned  the  idea  of  a  great 
passenger  steamer  carrying  women  and  children  being  sunk, 
if  he  had  mentioned  the  thousand  other  atrocities  which  this 
war  has  developed,  he  would  have  been  voted  a  hopeless  idiot. 

The  outraging  of  Belgium  by  the  Germans  stands  unequalled 
for  ruthlessness  and  atrocities  since  the  days  of  Babylon. 
Women,  children  and  men  were  torn  away  without  half  the 
consideration  accorded  to  blacks  in  our  own  nation  in  the 
worst  days  of  slavery. 

The  trained  men  and  munitions  which  France  sent  to 
America  in  our  Revolutionary  War  put  our  backwoodsmen  on 
some  kind  of  an  equal  footing  with  the  trained  and  equipped 
soldiery  of  England.  The  indispensable  aid  of  France  caused 
the  triumph  of  Yorktown  and  crowned  the  colonies  with  suc- 
cess. 

France  helped  us  in  our  hour  of  need ;  now  play  a  man's 
part  and  repay  the  debt. 

We  have  taken  up  our  cross  and  are  ascending  towards 
Calvary  to  advance  the  progress  of  mankind  to  that  event 
toward  which  all  creation  moves. — James  M.  Beck,  Former 
Assistant  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  St.  Paul, 
June  2,  1917. 

The  Issue:  Autocracy  Against  Democracy 
If  autocracy  succeeds  in  Europe,  democracy  is  not  safe  in 
America.  If  the  free  peoples  of  Europe  are  crushed,  the 
crushing  of  the  free  peoples  of  America  comes  next  in  order. 
This  is  inevitable — not  a  matter  of  opinion  but  of  necessary 
consequence,  for  if  Germany  controls  Europe  we  stand  as  the 
one  great  opposing  force  to  all  she  represents  in  the  world. 
Autocracy  and  democracy  are  normal  antagonists.  They  can- 
not abide  in  peace.  War  is  the  only  state  possible  between 
them.    Force  is  the  weapon  of  autocracy  and  cruelty  its  normal 


The  Menace  ok  Prlssianism  35 

expression.  The  rape  of  Bel,q;ium,  if  it  succeeds,  is  the  ])rchule 
to  the  rape  of  South  CaroHna.  In  steaHng  the  dauj^hters  of 
France  from  tlieir  homes  for  the  purpose  of  being,  in  pohte 
hmpfuage,  "servants  of  German  officers,"  you  see  but  the  i)re- 
hide  to  what  would  come  upon  the  dauc^hters  of  America.  An 
American  woman  and  child  is  no  more  sacred  in  the  eyes  of 
autocracy  than  is  an  English  woman  and  child.  The  sea  is 
no  barrier,  rather  the  reverse.  It  is  the  convenient  and  ready 
means  of  passage.  If  Germany  wins  this  war  America  must 
bear  a  military  burden  equal  at  least  to  the  German  power 
which  in  a  few  days  could  threaten  an  American  port.  Think 
what  she  has  already  done.  Her  agents  have  been  far  and 
wide  throughout  our  land  wrecking  factories,  attempting  to 
control  the  press,  making  surveys,  manufacturing  bombs,  con- 
spiring, in  short,  to  destroy  ships  carrying  harmless  and  inno- 
cent passengers.  Is  the  Lusitania  so  soon  forgotten,  or  the 
Sussex  or  the  hundreds  of  cases  in  which  men,  and  women, 
too,  have  been  exposed  in  open  boats  to  the  winter  sea?  Has 
one  read  the  gentle  proclamation  posted  in  Belgium  that  if  a 
wire  is  found  cut  in  any  neighborhood,  all  the  people  in  the 
vicinity  shall  be  immediately  killed?  These  things  have  not 
as  yet  threatened  us.  We  are  in  arms  that  they  shall  not  do 
so,  but  they  show  what  the  autocracy  is  against  which  we 
fight. — Letter  of  William  C.  Redfield,  Secretary  of  Commerce, 
to  Hon.  R.  E.  Coker,  Aug.  24,  1917. 

THE  MENACE   OF  PRUSSIANISM 

How    Germany   is    Governed 

Among  all  great  peoples  Germany  today  gives  her  citizens 
the  least  political  freedom.  Even  Austria  and  benighted  Tur- 
key have,  on  paper  at  least,  more  liberal  constitutions  than  she. 
Germany  has  tried  to  unite  modern  scientific  progress  and 
efficiency  with  seventeenth  century  autocracy — a  non-moral 
and  unnatural  union. 

The  Autocratic  Emperor. — The  Kaiser  gets  most  of  his 
power  as  King  of  Prussia,  wherein  his  authority  is  absolute 
indeed,  but  as  Emperor  of  the  26  states  of  the  German  federa- 
tion he  has  practically  complete  control  of  the  foreign  affairs, 
army  and  navy  of  the  empire.     In   1014  W'ilhclm  IT  declared 


36  Thk  Menace  of  Prussianism 

war  on  France  and  Russia  by  his  own  personal  fiat,  and  after 
that  called  together  his  parliament  and  asked  for  a  grant  of 
money  to  wage  a  war  about  which  the  people  had  never  been 
consulted. 

The  Futile  Reichstag. — This  parliament  is  indeed  elected 
on  a  fairly  popular  basis,  but  it  is  really  little  more  than  a  pre- 
tentious, officially  recognized  debating  club.  It  cannot  orig- 
inate any  important  law.  It  has  never  been  able  to  defeat 
any  law  which  the  government  was  really  anxious  to  force 
through.  If  it  resisted  it  was  dissolved,  and  official  influence 
got  one  more  obedient  elected.  It  cannot  dismiss  the  imperial 
ministers,  who  can  snap  their  fingers  at  adverse  votes  so  long 
as  the  Kaiser  supports  them. 

The  Oligarchic  Federal-Council. — This  is  a  more  powerful 
body.  But  it  is  a  secret  conclave  of  deputies  not  from  the 
German  people  but  from  the  various  German  reigning  princes. 
Thanks  to  the  great  power  here  alloted  to  Prussia,  the  Kaiser 
can  almost  always  have  his  way.  The  Federal  Council  is 
accountable  to  nobody  but  the  "majesties,  highnesses  and 
serenities"  which  send  out  the  members.  It  is  one  of  the  non- 
democratic,  and  also  one  of  the  most  influential  bodies  in  the 
world. 

The  Still  Less  Democratic  Government  of  Prussia. — Sixty 
per  cent,  of  all  Germans  live  in  the  kingdom  of  Prussia.  Nearly 
all  local  problems  belong  to  the  several  German  states.  It  is 
as  King  of  Prussia  that  Wilhelm  II  has  his  greatest  real 
authority.  Prussia  has  the  mere  similacrum  of  free  institu- 
tions. The  phantom  thereof  was  granted  in  1850  by  Friedrich 
Wilhelm  I\',  the  great  uncle  of  the  present  Kaiser,  a  man  who 
hated  constitutional  rule  so  much  that  a  little  earlier  he  had 
asserted,  "I  will  never  let  a  sheet  of  paper  (i.  e.,  a  constitution) 
be  placed  between  God  and  our  country  to  make  its  paragraphs 
our  rulers."  He  granted  this  pretended  constitution  merely  to 
satisfy  popular  clamor. 

In  Prussia  the  King  has  absolute  veto  on  all  laws,  and 
creates  and  dismisses  his  ministers  at  his  own  sweet  will. 

There  is  a  very  powerful  "House  of  Lords"  of  great  princes 
and  "life  peers"  chosen  by  the  King. 

lite    Outrageous    Prussian    Electoral    System. — Even    thus 


The  Menace  oe  Prussianism  37 

hampered  the  "lower  house"  of  the  parHament  is  not  chosen  by 
a  fair  ballot.  \'oting-  is  open — the  government  and  the  Junker 
landlord  can  know  just  how  every  peasant  stands.  The  ciioice 
of  deputies  is  divided  on  a  complicated  system  between  three 
classes  of  the  population,  graded  according  to  the  amount  of 
taxes  they  pay.  Each  class  has  equal  influence.  About  3  per 
cent,  belong  to  the  first  class  of  voters  (wealthy),  9.5  per  cent, 
to  the  second  class  (with  moderate  means),  87.5  ])er  cent,  to 
the  third  class  (all  the  rest  of  the  population).  In  some  dis- 
tricts there  is  only  one  voter  of  the  first  class ! — the  great 
landlord,  whose  voice  counts  for  33  1-3  per  cent,  of  the  whole 
electoral  body.  In  the  Prussian  election  of  1903,  thanks  to  this 
system,  324,000  "conservative"  voters  chose  143  legislators, 
and  314,000  "Social  Democrats"  did  not  count  for  enough  to 
choose  a  single  one. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  easy  to  see  why  Prussia  is  a 
perfect  paradise  for  Junker  conservatism,  and  that  the  military 
caste  (largely  sprung  from  the  Prussian  landed  aristocracy) 
is  struggling  against  the  least  change  in  this  abominable  sys- 
tem.— IV.  S.  D.,  in  Facts  About  the  War,  University  of  Minne- 
sota. 

Why  Germany  is  not  a  Democracy 

1.  Because  Prussia,  which  dominates  the  German  Empire 
and  comprises  two-thirds  of  its  population,  is  ruled  by  a  king 
who  professes  to  hold  his  crown  by  divine  right.  The  Prussian 
Constitution  exists  only  by  the  king's  pleasure,  and  may  be 
revoked  by  him  whenever  he  sees  fit. 

2.  Because  the  entire  executive  power  of  the  German  Em- 
pire is  wielded  by  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  appointed  by  the 
Emperor,  to  whom  alone  he  is  responsible,  and  by  whom  alone 
he  can  be  removed. 

3.  Because  the  greater  part  of  the  legislative  power  of  the 
Empire  is  wielded  by  the  Bundesrat.  which  represents  solely 
the  rulers  of  the  twenty-five  federated  states.  In  this  body  most 
legislation  is  initiated :  its  consent  is  necessary  to  every  law 
passed  by  the  Reichstag ;  and  through  it  the  Princes  of  Ger- 
many, and   chiefly  the   Emperor    (as   King  of   Prussia),   who 


38  The  Menace  of  Prussianism 

directly  controls  one-third  of  its  votes,  have  an  absolute  veto 
upon  the  action  of  the  Reichstag. 

4.  Because  the  Emperor,  in  conjunction  with  the  Bundesrat, 
has  power  to  declare  war  without  consulting-  the  Reichstag.  In 
case  of  alleged  attack  by  a  foreign  country,  he  may — as  in  1914 
— declare  war  without  even  the  consent  of  the  Bundesrat. 

5.  Because  the  electoral  districts  of  the  Reichstag  (which 
have  not  been  changed  since  1871)  are  so  unequal  that,  while 
a  Berlin  deputy  represents  on  the  average  125,000  voters,  a 
deputy  from  the  Junker  districts  of  East  Prussia  represents 
only  24.000.  This  gives  a  wholly  disproportionate  voting 
power  to  the  agrarian  interests  and  the  landed  aristocracy. 

6.  Because  the  kingdom  of  Prussia  is  likewise  ruled  by  an 
executive  responsible  neither  to  Parliament  nor  to  the  people, 
but  only  to  the  sovereign. 

7.  Because  the  upper  house  of  the  Prussian  Diet  consists  of 
members  of  the  nobility,  created  and  selected  by  the  king,  and 
is  for  all  practical  purposes  completely  subject  to  his  control. 

8.  Because  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  Prussian 
Diet  is  elected  in  the  following  manner :  the  voters  in  each 
district  are  divided  into  three  classes  according  to  the  taxes 
paid  by  them.  Those  few  who  pay  the  first  third  of  the  entire 
tax  constitute  one  class;  those  who  pay  the  second  third, 
another ;  while  the  third  class  consists  of  those  who  pay  the 
remainder  of  the  taxes.  Each  of  these  groups,  voting  sepa- 
rately, elects  an  equal  number  of  delegates  to  a  convention, 
which  chooses  the  representatives  of  that  constituency  in  the 
lower  house  of  the  Diet.  By  this  unequal  franchise,  the  4  per 
cent,  of  the  population,  making  up  the  first  class,  have  as 
much  rei)resentation  in  the  Diet  as  the  82  per  cent,  making  up 
the  third  class.  In  one  district,  for  example,  370  rich  men  had 
the  same  voting  capacity  as  22,000  poor  men ;  in  some  districts 
a  single  individual  constitutes  the  first  class,  and  exercises 
one-third  of  the  voting  power. 

9.  Because  the  Great  General  Staff  of  the  German  army, 
which  is  subject  to  no  civil  or  elective  authority  but  only  to 
the  Emperor,  is  practically  one  of  the  principal  organs  of  gov- 
ernment, exercising  in  many  matters  an  authority  superior  to 
that  of  either  the  Diet  or  the  Reichstag.     An  eminent  German 


The  Menace  of  Prussianism  39 

publicist,  Professor  Delbriick,  has  recently  declared :  "The 
essence  of  our  monarchy  resides  in  its  relations  with  the  army. 
Whoever  knows  our  officers  must  know  that  they  would  never 
tolerate  the  government  of  a  minister  of  war  issuing  from 
parliament." — National  Security  Lcai^uc's  Handbook. 

Germany's  Theory  of  War:   "Out  of  Their  Own  Mouths" 

The  ivords  of  Frederick  the  Great — 

"If  possible,  the  powers  *  *  *  should  be  made  envious 
against  one  another,  in  order  to  give  occasion  for  a  coup  when 
the  opportunity  arises. 

"If  a  ruler  is  obliged  to  sacrifice  his  own  person  for  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects,  he  is  all  the  more  obliged  to  sacrifice 
treaty  engagements,  the  continuance  of  which  would  be  harm- 
ful to  his  country.  Is  it  better  that  a  nation  should  perish,  or 
that  a  sovereign  should  break  his  treaty? 

"Statesmanship  can  be  reduced  to  three  principles:  First,  to 
maintain  your  power  and,  according  to  circumstances,  to  ex- 
tend it;  second,  to  form  alliances  for  your  own  advantage; 
third,  to  command  fear  and  respect  even  in  the  most  disas- 
trous times. 

"Do  not  be  ashamed  of  making  interested  alliances  from 
which  you  can  derive  the  whole  advantage.  Do  not  make  the 
mistake  of  not  breaking  them  if  *  *  *  your  interests  require. 

"To  despoil  your  neighbors  is  to  deprive  them  of  the  means 
of  injuring  you. 

"When  he  is  about  to  conclude  a  treaty  *  *  *  if  a  sovereign 
remembers  he  is  a  Christian,  he  is  lost." 

The  words  of  The  Kaiser — 

"We  Hohenzollerns  take  our  crown  from  God  alone. 

"On  me  the  spirit  of  God  has  descended  *  *  *  who  opposes 

me,  I  shall  crush  *  *  *." 

***** 

"Whoever  uses  force,  without  any  consideration  and  without 
sparing  blood,  has  sooner  or  later  the  advantage  if  the  enemy 
does  not  proceed  in  the  same  way.  One  cannot  introduce  a 
principle  of  moderation   into  the  philosophy  of   war  without 


40  The  Menace  of  Prussianism 

committing  an  absurdity.  It  is  a  vain  and  erroneous  tendency 
to  wish  to  neglect  the  element  of  brutality  in  war  merely 
because  we  dislike  it." — (Von  Clausewitz,  Voni  Kriege,  I,  4.) 
"It  would  be  giving  up  ourselves  to  a  chimera  not  to  realize 
that  war  in  the  present  will  have  to  be  conducted  more  reck- 
lessly, less  scrupulously,  more  violently,  more  ruthlessly,  than 
ever  in  the  past.  *  *  *  Distress,  the  deep  misery  of  war,  must 
not  be  spared  to  the  enemy  State.  The  burden  must  be  and 
must  remain  crushing.  The  necessity  of  imposing  it  follows 
from  the  very  idea  of  national  war.  *  *  *  That  individuals 
may  be  severely  affected  when  one  makes  an  example  of  them 
intended  to  serve  as  a  deterrent,  is  truly  deplorable  for  them. 
I>ut  for  the  people  as  a  whole  this  severity  exercised  against 
individuals  is  a  salutary  blessing.  When  national  war  has 
broken  out,  terrorism  becomes  a  principle  which  is  necessary 
from  a  military  standpoint." — General  J.  Von  Hartmann,  cited 
in  Lavisse  and  Andler,  German  Theory  and  Practice  of  War.) 
— National  Security  League's  Handbook. 

Terrorism  in  Action 

(Literal  translations  of  three  typical  German  military  proclamations.) 
Order  to  the  People  of  Liege. 

The  population  of  Andenne,  after  making  a  display  of 
peaceful  intentions  towards  our  troops,  attacked  them  in  the 
most  treacherous  manner.  With  my  authorization,  the  Gen- 
eral commanding  these  troops  has  reduced  the  town  to  ashes 
and  has  had  1 10  persons  shot. 

I  bring  this  fact  to  the  knowledge  of  the  people  of  Liege  in 
order  that  they  may  know  what  fate  to  expect  should  they 
adopt  a  similar  attitude. 

Liege,  Aug.  22,  1914. 
General  Von  Bulow. 


Proclamation  i 


111  future  the  inhabitants  of  ])laces  situated  near  railways 
and  telegraph  lines  which  have  been  destroyed  will  be  pun- 
i.shed  without  mercy  (whether  they  are  guilty  of  this  destruc- 
tion or  not).  For  this  purpose,  hostages  have  been  taken  in 
all    places   in    the   vicinity   of   railways   in    danger   of   similar 


I 


The  Menace  of  Prussianism  41 

attacks ;  and  at  the  first  attempt  to  destroy  any  railway,  tele- 
graph, or  telephone  line,  they  will  be  shot  immediately. 

The  Governor, 
r)russels,  Oct.  5.   1914.  \'on  Dcr  Goltz. 

Deportation  Xoticc  at  Lille. 

All  the  inhabitants  of  the  house,  with  the  exception  of 
children  imder  14,  and  their  mothers,  and  also  of  old  people, 
must  prepare  themselves  for  transportation  in  an  hour-and-a- 
half's  time. 

An  officer  will  definitely  decide  which  persons  will  be  taken 
to  the  concentration  camps.  For  this  purpose  all  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  house  must  assemble  in  front  of  it.  In  case  of  bad 
weather,  they  may  remain  in  tlic  passage.  The  door  of  the 
house  must  remain  open.  All  appeals  will  be  useless.  No 
inmate  of  the  house,  even  those  who  will  not  be  transported, 

may  leave  the  house  before  8  a.  m.  (German  time). 

****** 

Lille,  April,   1916. 
Etappen-Kommandantur   (Depot  Commandant.) 

The  Prussian  Preparation  for  World  Conquest 

F"or  the  next  forty  years  [from  1871]  the  great  aim  of  Bis- 
marck and  of  Germany  is  to  prepare  for  the  time  when  Eng- 
land can  be  made  to  walk  the  gang-plank  like  Austria  in  1866 
and  France  in  1870.  For  forty  years  German  soldiers  have 
been  drinking  to  "Der  Tag."  Every  force  of  the  Empire  has 
been  directed  toward  this  preparation.  The  school  system  has 
been  used  by  the  government  for  this  purpose.  The  teacher 
who  failed  to  teach  in  the  spirit  of  the  government  found  no 
promotion  awaiting  him.  The  minister  when  he  accepted  a 
pulpit  was  forbidden  to  criticise  the  policy  of  the  government. 
The  college  professors  became  the  agents  for  propagating  the 
imperialistic  ideas.  Every  social  force  of  the  state  was  har- 
nessed to  the  one  great  purpose  of  preparing  Germany  for  her 
Armageddon.  I'ut  there  were  those  who  would  not  submit 
tamely.  The  socialist  element  was  not  content  to  see  lalx)r 
neglected.     Bismarck's  solution  of  this  difficulty  was  to  grant 


42  The  Menace  of  Prussianism 

them  what  they  wanted  in  local  affairs  on  condition  that  he  be 
given  a  free  hand  in  his  imperialistic  foreign  policy.  Bismarck 
said.  "Give  the  wage  earner  a  permanent  job,  guarantee  him 
against  un-employment,  supply  him  with  a  sickness  and  old  age 
pension,  and  he  will  care  nothing  for  his  political  freedom." 
With  this  opiate  he  lulled  the  labor  forces  into  apathy.  But 
back  behind  all  these  stood  the  army.  The  people  of  Germany 
have  been  taught  that  war,  not  peace,  is  the  way  to  human 
development.  Year  by  year  the  army  has  grown.  When  the 
present  Kaiser  came  to  the  throne  thirty  years  ago  he  spoke 
to  the  army  and  said.  "You  and  I  were  made  for  each  other. 
Whether  God  wills  peace  or  war,  you  and  I  will  stand  together." 
The  whole  nation  has  become  an  armed  military  camp.  It  has 
been  "soldiers,  soldiers  everywhere."  While  other  peoples  have 
talked  of  universal  peace,  Germany  has  prepared  for  war.  In 
1907  England  proposed  to  reduce  her  program  to  three  new 
Dreadnaughts,  but  Germany  increased  hers.  In  1908  England 
laid  down  two  and  Germany  four;  in  191 1.  when  President 
Taft  delivered  his  great  peace  message  which  called  for  reduc- 
tion of  armaments,  Bethmann-Hollweg's  answer  was  "the  vital 
strength  of  a  nation  is  the  only  measurement  of  that  nation's 
armament";  in  1913,  when  a  "naval  holiday"  was  proposed, 
Germany  smiled,  increased  her  munitions,  her  aircraft,  and  the 
army  more  than  two  hundred  thousand.  This  has  been  the 
story  to  19 1 4.  That  year  dawned.  The  English-speaking  world 
was  talking  peace.  The  greatest  orator  of  the  day  was  pro- 
claiming peace  and  trying  to  form  peace  treaties.  The  German 
race  was  whetting  its  sword.  The  Kaiser  gazed  upon  the  army 
and  said,  "When  that  army  moves  I  will  show  the  world  its 
first  great  army."  His  army  lay  like  a  glittering  sword  in  his 
hand.  Could  he  resist  the  temptation  to  use  it?  The  world 
thought  that  he  could.  Had  we  not  become  convinced  that 
war  was  too  expensive?  Had  we  not  outgrown  war  and  its 
barbarism?  But  there  was  the  "head  of  the  huge  dragon, 
crested,  fanged,  clad  in  glittering  scales,  poised  above  the 
world  and  ready  to  strike."  Quickly  the  adder  uncoiled  and 
struck,  and  the  great  day  had  come.  There  need  be  no  rekind- 
ling of  the  flames  of  universal  peace  till  the  German  "lust  for 
blood  and  iron"  has  been  destroyed. — Dr.  E.  IV.  Sikes. 


The  Menace  oe  Prussianism  43 

German    Frightfulness 

One  of  the  most  astonishinc^  and  ai)])allinj:2^  facts  relating  to 
the  war  is  the  spirit  of  frightfulness  with  which  the  Germans 
have  attempted  to  terrorize  neutrals  as  well  as  enemies.  When 
the  reports  of  systematic  cruelty  and  murdor  first  came  to 
America  during  the  fall  of  1914.  we  would  not  helieve  them. 
It  was  thought  that  they  were  grossly  exaggerated.  It  was 
inconceivable  that  a  civilized  government  would  permit  its 
soldiers  to  commit  such  barbarous  acts  of  inhumanity.  How- 
ever, the  investigation  made  by  Lord  Bryce,  the  affidavits  of 
hundres  of  eye  witnesses,  the  reports  of  American  war  cor- 
respondents, and,  indeed,  the  admissions,  proclamations  and 
acts  of  the  German  Government  itself  show  that  these  un- 
speakable tales  of  horror  are  for  the  most  part  absolutely  true. 
Suppose  Germany  had  invaded  South  Carolina  and  had  burned 
towns  and  cities,  murdered  old  men,  women  and  children,  cut 
off  the  hands  of  boys  and  girls,  raped  young  women,  and  sent 
them  by  the  hundreds  to  Germany  there  to  meet  an  unknown 
fate?  What  would  you  have  thought  of  it?  Would  you  be  a 
peace-at-any-price  person?  Such  was  the  treatment  of  Bel- 
gium. When  the  Prussian  soldiers  invaded  Poland,  the  fate 
of  the  old  men,  women  and  children  was  none  the  less  terrible. 
In  Northern  France  it  was  the  same.  Wherever  the  Germans 
have  appeared,  barbarity  has  been  the  rule.  The  horror  of  it 
all  is  that  these  things  have  been  sanctioned  by  the  German 
officers  and  the  German  Government. — Hunter  A.  Gibbes. 

The    German    Way 

Germans  torpedoed  the  merchant  ship  Belgium  Prince  200 
miles  from  land,  smashed  the  lifeboats,  took  the  sailors'  life- 
belts, stripped  them  of  outer  clothing,  placed  them  on  the  deck 
of  the  submarine,  then  submerged.  Thirty-eight  men,  non- 
combatants,  were  drowned  like  rats. 

Prussianism's   Perfect   Work 

The  Manchester  Guardian  calculates,  on  the  best  available 
information,  that,  to  the  first  of  last  month,  nine  and  three- 
quarter  million  men  had  been  killed  in  the  war ;  twelve  millions 
more  had  been  permanently  crippled ;  four  and  a  quarter  mil- 


44 


The  Mi:naci:uf  Prussianism 


lions  were  held  as  prisoners;  one  hundred  and  seven  billion 
dollars  had  been  spent  by  the  warring  governments ;  and  eight 
billion  dollars'  worth  of  property  had  been  destroyed. 

For  three  weeks  in  July,  191 4.  the  Austrian  Government 
considered  what  demands  it  should  make  on  Serbia  in  view 
of  the  probability  that  the  assassination  of  the  Austrian  Arch- 
duke Franz  Ferdinand  had  been  planned  by  Serbians.  It  was 
well  known  that  Russia  would  defend  Serbia's  independence. 
After  full  deliberation  Austria  made  demands  that  no  state 
calling  itself  independent  would  have  submitted  to,  except 
under  compulsion ;  and  required  absolute  compliance  within 
forty-eight  hours.    And  in  this  course  Germany  acquiesced. 

Deliberately  and  after  full  consideration  Germany  and 
Austria  took  the  chance  of  war  in  order  to  further  a  dynastic 
purpose  of  the  Hapsburgs.  That  is  the  crime  -which  nearly  ten 
million  dead  men  and  twelve  million  cripples  now  prove  against 
the  Hohenzollern  and  Hapsburg  dynasties.  The  criminals 
will  go  unpunished  if  those  dynasties  retain  their  power  to 
upset  the  peace  of  the  world  at  will. — Courtesy  of  Saturday 
Evening  Post,  Sept.  22,  1917. 

Germany's  Wars  Between  1871  and  1914 
German  apologists  are  constantly  telling  us  that  from  1871 
to  1 91 4  Germany  was  at  peace,  and  was  the  one  uniformly 
peaceable  first-class  Power.  But  it  seems  to  Mr.  Henry  A. 
Forster  that  "German  propagandists  are  as  ignorant  of  the 
facts  of  modern  history  as  modern  German  statesmen  are 
indifferent  to  the  validity  of  treaties,  which  they  describe  as 
only  scraps  of  paper!"  So  this  New  York  lawyer  writes  to 
the  editors  of  New  York  and  Boston  papers  to  call  attention 
to  Germany's  warlike  record  during  those  years  when  her  pro- 
found peacefulness  was  supposed  to  present  such  a  delightful 
contrast  to  the  military  activities  of  her  neighbors.  To  quote 
from  the  letter  to  the  Boston  Transcript : 

"From  1903  to  1907  the  Herrero  War  in  German  Southwest 
Africa  was  the  most  bitterly  contested  war  between  whites  and 
blacks  known  to  the  twentieth  century.     Five  thousand  Ger- 
man soldiers  and  settlers  and  20,000  to  30,000  natives  perished. 
"In  1897  Germany  seized  Kiaochow  because  of  the  murder 


The  Task  of  Amkuica  45 

of  two  Catholic  missionaries,  and  rattled  the  saber  to  such  an 
extent  that  when  in  i<kh)  the  Chinese  Boxers  bep^an  a  war  with 
the  world  it  was  primarily  because  of  Cermany's  acts.  The 
German  minister  to  China  was  the  forei^m  official  against 
whom  the  Boxers  struck  their  first  blows.  In  the  Boxer  War 
of  1900  that  followed,  Cermany,  as  the  leader  of  Continental 
Europe,  sent  Field-Marshal  von  VValdcr.sce  as  the  international 
commander-in-chief,  and  waged  a  Ilun-like  war  without 
quarter. 

"In  1888-1889,  1891-1892,  and  1905  and  1906  Germany  was 
three  times  at  war  with  and  finally  conquered  the  Arabs  and 
blacks  in  East  Africa.  Von  Wissman,  Karl  Peters,  and  other 
German  commanders  waged  aggressive  wars  of  conquest  with 
the  utmost  ferocity.  One  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  natives 
are  estimated  to  have  fallen  in  the  last  of  the  three  East- 
African  wars  alone." — Literary  Digest,  Aug.  18.  19 17. 

THE  TASK  OF  AMERICA 

A  great  American  army  in  Europe  now  is  the  best  possible  insurance 
against  a  great  European  or  Asiatic  army  in  our  own  country  a  couple 
of  years  or  a  couple  of  decades  hence. — Theodore  Roosevelt. 

Wake  Up,   America! 

The  main  facts  which  the  people  of  the  whole  United  States 
must  be  made  to  realize  and  understand  at  once  are : 

First.  That  the  war  is  nowhere  near  an  end. 

Second.  That  its  most  serious  phases  are  yet  to  come. 

Third.  That  it  is  and  has  been  as  much  America's  war  as 
it  is  and  has  been  France's  and  England's  war,  ever  since  the 
first  shot  was  fired. 

Fourth.  That  notwithstanding  the  warnings  of  the  past 
three  years,  this  country  finds  itself  entering  ui)on  war  against 
Germany  amazingly  unprepared. 

Fifth.  That  if  a  long  war  is  to  be  averted,  with  its  attendant 
world-wide  suffering  and  a  continuance  of  the  ghastly  fighting 
that  is  now  in  progress,  America  must  quickly  throw  its  full 
strength  and  resources  into  the  struggle. 

Sixth.  That  the  pressing  and  immediate  reason  for  arousing 
this  country  to  action  on  the  greatest  possible  scale  is  that,  if 
anything  were  to  go  seriously  wrong  with  the  Allied  war  pro- 


46  The  Task  of  America 

gramme  so  as  to  affect  sea-control.  Germany  would  at  once 
descend  upon  this  country  and  exact  a  stupendous  war  indem- 
nity, wreaking  vengeance  in  true  Prussian  military  fashion 
upon  our  defenceless  women  and  children,  and  establishing  a 
permanent  foothold  on  this  continent. 

Seventh.  That  the  vital  Allied  war  needs  of  the  moment 
are  ships,  food,  and  aeroplanes  in  vast  numbers ;  hence  the 
urgency  of  getting  the  whole  war  programme  moving  without 
a  single  hour's  unnecessary  delay. 

Eighth.  That  much  valuable  time  has  been  lost  and  still 
more  time  is  now  being  wasted  in  dangerous  controversy,  while 
the  war  goes  swiftly  on. 

Xinth.  That  the  only  safe  basis  of  procedure,  in  view  of  all 
the  circumstances,  is  to  assume  that  this  country  alone  is 
fighting  Germany ;  that  there  is  no  British  fleet  to  shield  it  and 
no  other  Allied  armies  to  pound  the  German  forces  back 
while  the  United  States  is  making  ready  for  war,  but  that 
invasion  is  imminent,  and  that  back  of  the  Government's  war 
programme  must  be  the  people's  whole  strength  and  fully 
aroused  spirit  in  order  to  avert  national  disaster ;  and 

Tenth.  That  on  America's  promptness  of  action  may  depend 
the  length.  (Did  possibly  the  actual  outcome,  of  the  war. — Mr. 
Pomeroy  Burton.  Speech  at  Chautauqua,  N.  F.,  July  2,  1917. 

America  Saved  by  the  Allies 

For  nearly  three  years  we  literally  hid  behind  the  fleets  of 
Great  Britain  and  France. 

Every  soldier  of  the  Allies  who  in  this  struggle  died  on  the 
battlefields  of  Europe  died  for  us  as  well  as  for  his  own 
country. 

Had  there  been  no  great  English  fleet  to  hold  the  German 
fleet  in  its  harbor  of  refuge,  our  coasts  would  have  been 
ravished,  our  cities  destroyed,  and  the  scenes  enacted  in  Bel- 
gium would  have  been  repeated,  magnified  many  fold  in  this 
country. 

Had  the  Allies  failed  to  stem  the  onrush  of  the  hordes  of 
barbarism  who  have  stained  the  record  of  mankind  as  never 
l»cf..rf  in  history,  certainly  since  the  days  of  Attila,  Germany 
would  have  sought  to  wreak  its  vengeance  on  this  country, 
anrl  it  would  have  been  abundantly  able  to  do  so. 


CoNcicRNiNc  Loyalty  47 

Germany's  plans  involved  a  war  with  the  United  States, 
where  it  had  everything  to  win  and  nothing  to  lose;  for  it 
would  not  have  been  possible  for  us  in  ten  years  to  get  ready 
to  meet  Germany  if  Germany  had  already  conquered  Europe. 
— Courtesy  of  Richard  If.  Edmonds.  Editor  of  Manufacturers' 
Record. 

The    Crisis 

Russia  wavering ;  Italy  in  dire  need ;  France  driven  well 
nigh  to  the  limit  of  her  super-human  endurance;  England 
crippled  by  the  submarine ;  Germany  no  nearer  exhaustion  and 
starvation  than  her  enemies  and  fighting  on  the  inside  of  the 
circle;  if  that  situation  does  not  find  its  only  hopeful  answer 
in  a  united  embattled  America,  it  finds  it  nowhere  under  God's 
heaven. — IVm.  Mather  Leims. 

What   Would    Happen? 

If  Russia  should  collapse? 

If  the  British  fleet  should  be  overcome? 

If  the  food  situation  should  yet  bring  the  Allies  to  their 
knees  ? 

If  great  reversals  should  be  met  on  the  western  front? 

If  the  submarine  menace  be  not  checked? 

Other  things  less  unexpected  have  already  happened  many 
times  in  this  war.  America  will  be  in  danger  of  invasion  by 
Prussia  until  the  Prussian  military  power  is  broken. — Okla- 
homa State  Council  of  Defense. 

CONCERNING  LOYALTY 

No  American  is  against  this  war.  If  anybody  opposes  it  that  opposi- 
tion is  sufficient  proof  of  that  person's  un-Americanism. — Chicago  Daily 
News. 

No   Room   for  Treachery 

All  that  this  nation  holds  dear  in  life,  in  womanhood,  in 
liberty,  in  the  sacredness  of  homes,  in  religion,  in  business,  in 
government,  is  at  stake,  and  the  danger  is  terribly  great. 

Every  potentiality  of  the  nation  will  be  needed  to  save  our- 
selves from  complete  destruction,  and  destruction  as  ruthless, 
as   frightful  as  that  of   Belgium.     Indeed,   the  bitterness  of 


48  CoxcFRXiNT.  Loyalty 

Germany  against  us  would  result  in  even  more  fearful  con- 
ditions here  than  existed  in  Belgium  if  Germany,  through  the 
destruction  of  France  and  England,  \vere  able  to  land  on  our 
shores  through  Canada  and  turn  this  land  into  a  condition 
which  would  make  General  Sherman,  if  he  were  alive,  apol- 
ogize to  Hell  for  speaking  of  war  as  hell. 

These  are  not  overdrawn  statements.  They  are  not  fig- 
ments of  an  overheated  brain.  They  merely  express  in  sober 
language  what  every  man  in  this  country  who  has  had  the 
opportunity  to  look  on  the  inside  of  things  during  the  last 
two  years  knows  to  be  the  case.  Facing  this  situation  with 
a  determination  to  win.  regardless  of  the  cost — and  win  we 
shall — we  are  permitting  ourselves  to  be  handicapped,  indeed. 
our  country  to  be  betrayed,  by  the  traitors,  open  and  secret, 
who  in  every  possible  way  are  trying  to  foment  trouble  in  our 
own  land.  Some  German-American  papers  are  openly  and 
aggressively  fighting  the  United  States  and  encouraging  pro- 
Germans  of  this  country.  Even  in  Congress  there  are  men 
who  are  still  so  pro-German  in  sentiment  that  they  would 
apparently  be  willing  to  sell  their  nation  rather  than  see  Ger- 
many defeated. 

There  are  some  millions  of  pro-Germans  in  this  country. 
Fortunately,  many  other  Germans  and  those  of  German 
descent  are  honest,  true-hearted  men  and  women  and  are  ready 
to  stand  by  this,  their  own  land,  as  against  Germany.  To 
them  all  honor.  But  there  are  some  millions  of  Germans  who 
are  not  citizens,  and  of  citizens  who  are  of  German  descent. 
but  who  would  stab  the  country  in  the  back,  would  welcome 
to  our  shores  the  invading  hosts  of  Germany's  army  of  beasts 
and  brutes  and  rejoice  in  the  privilege  of  heralding  themselves 
to  this  incoming  army  as  friends  of  Germany.  These  men  and 
women  who  uphold  Germany's  murderous  campaign  are  them- 
selves copartners  in  the  vilest  work  that  has  ever  been  done 
on  earth. — Courtesy  of  Richard  H.  Edmonds,  Editor  Manu- 
facturers' Record. 

The  Soldiers'    Question 
Some  thousands  of  American  soldiers  have  already  landed 
in   I'Vancc.  and  other  thousands,  and  hundreds  of  thousands 
and  millions  will  have  to   follow.     These  men  are  not  at  all 


Concerning  Loyalty  49 

unmindful  of  the  reality  of  the  strupp^lc  upon  which  they  are 
entering-.  Each  one  knows  full  well  that  he  is  offering  his 
life ;  and  if  perchance  he  be  saved  to  return  to  his  loved  ones, 
comrades  all  around  him  and  by  his  side  he  knows  will  die. 
Each  man  realizes  fully  that  he  is  going  into  a  war  for  service. 
These  men  are  not  going  from  any  thoughtless  desire  for 
adventure ;  they  are  not  going  without  a  full  understanding 
of  what  is  meant  to  lie  in  the  trenches  day  after  day  and  night 
after  night,  and  crawl  out  over  the  trenches  to  and  through 
the  barbed  wires  and  struggle  in  a  great  death  grap])le.  These 
things  are  before  them,  and  yet  they  go  forward  with  a  cour- 
age wdiich  should  stir  every  latent  quality  of  good  in  every 
human  heart.  Before  such  men  those  who  cannot  go  should 
stand  with  uncovered  heads  and  bemoan  the  fate  that  makes 
it  necessary  for  them  to  be  saved  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  lives 
of  others. 

These  are  the  living  realities,  the  verities,  of  this  hour.  They 
call  in  thunder  tones  to  the  nation.  They  call  to  every  human 
heart  to  honor  the  soldiers  and  the  sailors ;  to  throw  around 
them  every  possible  safeguard  to  protect  them  from  every 
temptation  ;  to  make  their  task  as  light  as  possible ;  to  furnish 
every  comfort  and  convenience ;  to  lighten  their  work  and 
lessen  their  sorrows ;  to  provide  the  means  for  their  healthful 
enjoyment  around  every  camp,  and  to  banish  from  every  camp 
the  accursed  liquor  traffic  and  all  the  evils  which  follow ;  to 
provide  the  nurses  and  the  stretcher-bearers,  and  the  physi- 
cians, and  the  hospitals  which  may  minister  unto  them  in 
hours  of  agony:  to  provide  the  facilities  for  the  training  of 
the  body  and  mind  afforded  by  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association  in  every  camp. 

For  these  things  the  American  people  must  w^ork  whole- 
heartedly, with  an  enthusiasm  which  matches  that  of  the  men 
in  the  battle  line. 

Out  of  the  nation's  work  and  the  wealth  that  may  be  accum- 
ulated therefrom  must  be  poured  to  the  fullest  limit  the  money 
needed  for  these  things. 

A  few  weeks  ago  Maryland  troops  on  a  parade  in  the 
interest  of  the  Liberty  Loan  carried  a  banner  on  which  was 
inscribed : 


50  CoNCERXixG  Loyalty 

"We  have  given  ourselves. 
What  will  you  give?" 

That  is  the  question  which  the  life  of  every  soldier  puts 
before  every  man  and  woman  in  this  country. 

What  will  you  give  to  the  men  who  are  giving  their  lives? 
What  service  will  you  render  to  them  to  lessen  their  burdens, 
to  lighten  their  homesickness,  to  soften  their  agony  on  the 
battlefields,  to  save  their  bodies  and  to  save  their  souls  ?  What 
answer  will  the  American  people  give  to  the  question,  "We 
have  given  ourselves;  what  will  you  give?" — Courtesy  of 
Richard  H.  Edmonds,  Editor  of  the  Manufacturers'  Record. 

Rules  for  Disloyalists 

1.  When  driven  to  make  an  unequivocal  statement  protest 
your  loyalty  and  then  change  the  subject. 

2.  Assert  on  every  occasion  that  "Wall  Street"  made  the 
war.     Never  mind  explaining  when,  how,  or  why. 

3.  Get  in  all  the  sneers  you  can  at  any  professions  of  ideal 
motives.  If  you  can  find  any  flaw  in  our  democracy  say  that 
"we  are  just  as  bad  an  autocracy  as  Germany."  Use  the  word 
"hypocrisy"  at  every  opportunity.  Place  the  war  in  as  sordid 
a  light  as  possible. 

4.  It  is  dangerous  to  denounce  the  United  States  directly. 
But  rake  history  from  end  to  end  for  mud  to  throw  at  the 
Allies.  Especially,  twist  the  lion's  tail. 

5.  Profess  great  concern  lest  sending  food  to  Europe  will 
starve  America.  Support  every  embargo  movement  that  ap- 
plies to  the  Allied  nations  and  none  that  does  not. 

6.  If  the  President  asks  for  any  extension  of  powers  rave 
about  "dictatorship"  and  the  "overthrow  of  the  liberties  for 
which  our  fathers,  etc." 

7.  .Si)rcad  rumors  that  the  Allies  are  going  to  betray  us  or 
take  advantage  of  us  as  soon  as  w^e  are  deeply  enough  involved 
in  the  war. 

8.  Accept  conscription  in  principle  but  hamper  its  working 
in  every  possible  way.  One  good  way  is  to  start  scares  about 
revolution  and  internal  disorder  as  a  pretext  for  keeping  a 
large  part  of  our  armv  at  home. 


CoNCKRNMXf;    I^)V.\I,TV  5I 

9.  Demonstrate  that  the  enemy  is  unconquerable  and  victory 
hopeless.     Play  the  "candid  friend"  and  act  as  a  depressant. 

10.  Be  very  jealous  to  prevent  "entanglinjj;-  alliances"  and 
be  much  concerned  about  the  Monroe  Doctrine  if  we  "mix 
ourselves  in  European  quarrels."  A  permanent  league  of 
nations  would  embarrass  your  Junker  friends  if  thev  remain 
in  power  after  the  war.  Germany  can  only  hope  to  conquer 
other  nations  of  they  act  selfishly  and  in  isolation. 

To  these  the  Chicago  Herald  would  add :  "Oppose  sending 
our  boys  to  France  to  save  the  country  and  insist  on  the  war 
being  fought  on  our  own  soil,"  and  "when  caught  in  the  ham- 
stringing act  mention  the  names  of  Washington  and  Lincoln." 
— The  Independent   (in  Literary  Digest). 


It  does  not  take  a  prophet  to  see  that  those  who  are  attack- 
ing our  Government  and  those  of  our  Allies,  by  unfriendly 
speeches  and  writing,  while  we  are  in  this  great  death  struggle 
for  liberty  and  justice,  are  preparing  for  themselves  and  their 
posterity  a  far  more  bitter  animosity  of  their  neighbors  than 
the  Tories  and  their  descendants  have  suffered  from  1776  to 
this  day. — Joseph  Norzvood. 


Here  in  America  and  there  in  Russia  German  propaganda  is 
seeking  to  sap  the  strength  of  a  free  democracy. 

German  money  is  buying  men  and  inspiring  the  press  here 
and  there  to  build  up  a  great  concealed  structure  of  treason. 

Here  and  there  are  sentimentalists  who,  while  speaking  for 
peace  and  justice,  are  lending  themselves  to  the  greatest  enemy 
of  peace  and  justice. 

Here  and  there  are  men  who  proclaim  their  conscience  and 
sell  their  country. 

When  American  democracy  exerts  itself  against  the  enemy 
within  let  these  men  beware. — Elihit  Root. 

What  "American"  Means 
Did  you  ever    realize   what   it   means   to    be   an    American 
citizen?     A  Frenchman  may  reside  for  years  in  England,  or 
Germany,  or  Russia,  but  he  will  always  remain  a   foreigner. 


52  Concerning  Loyalty 

no  matter  how  many  papers  of  citizenship  he  may  secure.  An 
EngHshman  may  spend  a  hfetime  in  Italy,  and  catch,  as 
Browning  caught,  the  poetry  of  her  soul ;  but  he  will  die  an 
alien.  A  Russian  may  rear  his  family  in  Holland,  but  they 
wdll  never  become  Dutch.  But  let  this  same  Frenchman  or 
Englishman  or  Russian  come  and  dwell  on  our  shores,  and 
the  great  moving  force  of  Americanism  transforms  him  into 
a  true  American.  A  nation  so  composed  cannot  stand  upon 
the  narrow  platform  of  a  provincial  patriotism.  Its  funda- 
mentals of  citizenship  must  transcend  race,  and  its  ideals 
must  be  so  high  that  ancient  animosities  and  hereditary  loyal- 
ties cannot  compete  with  them,  or  divide  the  allegiance  which 
they  demand. — Robert  McNutt  McElroy  of  Princeton  Uni- 
versity. 

United    America 

So,  today,  our  nation  is  one.  If  there  is  a  discordant  voice 
in  this  nation  today  it  must  come  from  one  who  either  does  not 
understand  the  genius  of  our  institutions  or  whose  heart  is  not 
with  his  country.  I  think  I  know  the  American  people ;  I 
believe  I  am  as  well  acquainted  with  them  as  any  other  citizen. 
I  have  been  among  them  now  for  a  generation  and  I  know  that 
the  American  people  \\\\\  stand  back  of  the  President  and  Con- 
gress and  furnish  the  government  whatever  it  needs,  in  men 
and  money,  to  win  this  war. — William  Jennings  Bryan. 


THE  PEACE  TERMS 


Murphy,  in  Neu'  York  Aiiiciuan 

Copyrighted  by  International  Netvs  Ser-.'icc-Courtcsy  of  The  Literary 

Digest 


54  The  Road  to  Peace 

THE  ROAD  TO  PEACE 

"I  am  for  peace  at  any  price,  and  today  the  price  of  peace  is  war." — 
President  Hibben  of  Princeton  University. 

No  Peace  in  Sight 

"It  is  idle  to  talk  peace,  to  argaie  about  provinces,  frontiers, 
colonies,  while  the  German  maintains  his  right  to  seize  what 
he  desires,  to  kill  when  and  whom  he  pleases,  and  to  abrogate 
every  law,  human  or  divine,  which  interferes  with  his  appetite 
or  his  lust." 

Peace  now  would  be  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  German 
victory.  Germany  has  accomplished  her  dream  of  the  Middle 
Europe,  the  empire  from  Berlin  to  Bagdad.  The  lands  of  her 
allies  are  hers.  German  farm  lands  are  still  fertile.  German 
homes  have  not  known  the  ravage  of  an  invading  army  of 
barbarians.  Peace  would  mean  but  the  beginning  of  prepara- 
tions for  another  great  war,  in  which  the  forces  of  autocracy 
and  democracy  would  clash  in  another  death  struggle.  And  a 
part  of  that  second  death  struggle  would  have  to  be  fought 
out  on  American  soil,  the  granary  of  the  world. — Oklahoma 
State  Council  of  Defense. 

The  German  Intrigue  for  Peace 

Is  it  not  easy  to  understand  the  eagerness  for  peace  that  has 
been  manifested  from  Berlin  ever  since  the  snare  was  set  and 
sprung?  Peace,  peace,  peace  has  been  the  talk  of  her  Foreign 
Office  for  now  a  year  and  more  ;  not  peace  upon  her  own  initia- 
tive, but  upon  the  initiative  of  the  nations  over  which  she  now 
deems  herself  to  hold  the  advantage.  A  little  of  the  talk  has 
been  public,  but  most  of  it  has  been  private.  Through  all  sorts 
of  channels  it  has  come  to  me,  and  in  all  sorts  of  guises,  but 
never  with  the  terms  disclosed  which  the  German  Government 
would  be  willing  to  accept.  That  government  has  other  valu- 
able pawns  in  its  hands  besides  those  I  have  mentioned.  It 
still  holds  a  valuable  part  of  France,  though  with  slowly 
relaxing  grasp,  and  practically  the  whole  of  Belgium.  Its 
armies  press  close  upon  Russia  and  overrun  Poland  at  their 
will.  It  cannot  go  further ;  it  dare  not  go  back.  It  wishes  to 
close  its  bargain  before  it  is  too  late  and  it  has  little  left  to 
offer  for  the  pound  of  flesh  it  will  demand. 


The  Road  to  Peace  55 

The  military  masters  under  wliom  Germany  is  blcedinj^  see 
very  clearly  to  what  point  Fate  has  brou)j^lit  them.  If  they 
fall  back  or  are  forced  back  an  inch,  their  power  both  abroad 
and  at  home  will  fall  to  pieces  like  a  house  of  cards.  It  is  their 
power  at  home  they  are  thinking  about  now  more  than  their 
power  abroad.  It  is  that  power  which  is  treml)linp^  under  their 
very  feet ;  and  deep  fear  has  entered  their  hearts.  They  have 
but  one  chance  to  perpetuate  their  military  power  or  even  their 
controUinf^  political  influence.  If  they  can  secure  peace  now 
with  the  immense  advantages  still  in  their  hands  which  they 
have  up  to  this  point  apparently  gained,  they  will  have  justified 
themselves  before  the  German  people :  they  will  have  gained  by 
force  what  they  promised  to  gain  by  it :  an  immense  expansion 
of  German  power,  an  immense  enlargement  of  German  indus- 
trial and  commercial  opportunities.  Their  prestige  will  be 
secure,  and  with  their  prestige  their  political  power.  If  they 
fail,  their  people  will  thrust  them  aside ;  a  government  account- 
able to  the  people  themselves  will  be  set  up  in  Germany  as  it 
has  been  in  England,  in  the  United  States,  in  France,  and  in  all 
the  great  countries  of  the  modern  time  except  Germany.  If 
they  succeed  they  are  safe  and  Germany  and  the  world  are 
undone ;  if  they  fail  Germany  is  saved  and  the  world  will  be  at 
peace.  If  they  succeed,  America  will  fall  within  the  menace. 
We  and  all  the  rest  of  the  world  must  remain  armed,  as  they 
will  remain,  and  must  make  ready  for  the  next  step  in  their 
aggression  ;  if  they  fail,  the  world  may  unite  for  peace  and 
Germany  may  be  of  the  union. 

The  facts  are  patent  to  all  the  world,  and  nowhere  are  they 
more  plainly  seen  than  in  the  United  States,  where  we  are 
accustomed  to  deal  with  facts  and  not  with  sophistries;  and 
the  great  fact  that  stands  out  above  all  the  rest  is  that  this  is 
a  People's  War,  a  war  for  freedom  and  justice  and  self-govern- 
ment amongst  all  the  nations  of  the  world,  a  war  to  make  the 
world  safe  for  the  peoples  who  live  upon  it  and  have  made 
it  their  own,  the  German  people  themselves  included  :  and  that 
with  us  rests  the  choice  to  break  through  all  these  hypocrisies 
and  patent  cheats  and  masks  of  brute  force  and  help  set  the 
world  free,  or  else  stand  aside  and  let  it  be  dominated  a  long 
age  through  by  sheer  weight  of  arms  and  the  arbitrary  choices 


56  The  Road  to  Peace 

of  self-constituted  masters,  by  the  nation  which  can  maintain 
the  biggest  armies  and  the  most  irresitible  armaments, — a 
power  to  which  the  world  has  afforded  no  parallel  and  in  the 
face  of  which  political  freedom  must  wither  and  perish. 

For  us  there  is  but  one  choice.  We  have  made  it.  Woe  be 
to  the  man  or  group  of  men  that  seeks  to  stand  in  our  way  in 
this  day  of  high  resolution  when  every  principle  we  hold 
dearest  is  to  be  vindicated  and  made  secure  for  the  salvation 
of  the  nations.  We  are  ready  to  plead  at  the  bar  of  history, 
and  our  flag  shall  wear  a  new  lustre.  Once  more  we  shall 
make  good  with  our  lives  and  fortunes  the  great  faith  to  which 
we  were  born,  and  a  new  glory  shall  shine  in  the  face  of  our 
people.— Fro;;/  President  Wilson's  Flag  Day  Address,  June 
14,  1917. 

The  Test  of  the  Peace  to  Come 

The  test,  therefore,  of  every  plan  of  peace  is  this :  Is  it  based 
upon  the  faith  of  all  the  peoples  involved,  or  merely  upon  the 
word  of  an  ambitious  and  intriguing  Government,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  a  group  of  free  peoples,  on  the  other?  This  is  a 
test  which  goes  to  the  root  of  the  matter;  and  it  is  the  test 
which  must  be  applied. 

The  purposes  of  the  United  States  in  this  war  are  known  to 
the  whole  world — to  every  people  to  whom  the  truth  has  been 
permitted  to  come.  They  do  not  need  to  be  stated  again.  We 
seek  no  material  advantage  of  any  kind.  We  believe  that  the 
intolerable  wrongs  done  in  this  war  by  the  furious  and  brutal 
power  of  the  Imperial  German  Government  ought  to  be 
repaired,  but  not  at  the  expense  of  the  sovereignty  of  any  peo- 
ple— rather  a  vindication  of  the  sovereignty  both  of  those  that 
are  weak  and  of  those  that  are  strong.  Punitive  damages, 
the  dismemberment  of  empires,  the  establishment  of  selfish 
and  exclusive  economic  leagues,  we  deem  inexpedient,  and  in 
the  end  worse  than  futile,  no  proper  basis  for  a  peace  of  any 
kind,  least  of  all  for  an  enduring  peace.  That  must  be  based 
upon  justice  and  fairness  and  the  common  rights  of  mankind. 

We  cannot  take  the  word  of  the  present  rulers  of  Germany 
as  a  guarantee  of  anything  that  is  to  endure  unless  explicitly 
supported  by  such  conclusive  evidence  of  the  will  and  purpose 
of  the  German  people  themselves  as  the  other  peoples  of  the 


The  Road  to  Prack  57 

world  would  be  justilicd  in  accoptinj4.  Without  such  guaran- 
tees treaties  of  settlement,  agreements  f(jr  disarmament, 
covenants  to  set  up  arbitration  in  the  place  of  force,  territorial 
adjustments,  reconstitutions  of  small  natic^is,  if  made  with 
the  German  Government,  no  man,  no  nation,  could  now 
depend  on. 

We  must  await  some  new  evidence  of  the  purposes  of  the 
great  peoples  of  the  Central  Powers.  God  grant  it  may  be 
given  soon  in  a  way  to  restore  the  confidence  of  all  ])eoples 
everywhere  in  the  faith  of  nations  and  the  possibility  of  a  cov- 
enanted peace. — From  President  Wilson's  Reply  In  the  Pope's 
Peace  Proposal. 

United  in  War  for  the  Sake  of  Peace 

People  ask  me  every  day  how  long  this  war  will  last.  My 
answer  is  that  I  do  not  know  ;  and  I  do  not  know  anybody 
who  does  know.  When  anybody  tells  me  he  thinks  he  knows. 
1  lose  confidence  in  his  judgment.  I  know  of  nothing  upon 
which  any  human  being  is  able  to  predicate  a  guess  that  is  of 
any  value  as  to  the  length  of  this  war.  P>ut  I  can  state  a  fact 
that  is  worth  more  than  any  guess,  prediction  or  prophecy, 
and  that  is  that  no  matter  whether  the  war  be  long  or  short, 
the  shortest  road  to  peace  is  the  road  straight  ahead,  with  no 
division  among  our  people.  We  can  not  afford  to  allow  any- 
body in  this  world  to  think  for  one  minute  that  there  is  any 
division  among  the  American  people  when  once  our  nation  has 
decided  to  enter  a  war.  The  more  earnestly  one  desires  peace, 
the  more  loyally  he  should  support  the  government  as  the  only 
way  to  hasten  peace. — IVilliain  Jcnuino:s  Bryan. 

Two  World  Peace  Programs 

The  World's  Court  League  The  League  to  Enforce  Peace 

Favors  a   League  among  na-  Favors  a  League  of  nations 

tions  to  secure  :  to  secure  : 

1.  An    International    Court  i.  A   Judicial   Tribunal   for 
of   Justice    for   all    ju.sticiable  all    justiciable    questions    not 
questions  not  settled  by  nego-  settled  l)y  negotiation, 
tiation.  2.  An  International  Council 

2.  An    International    Coun-  of  Conciliation. 


I 


58 


The  Road  to  Peace 


cil  of  Conciliation,  in  addition 
to  the  Permanent  Court  of 
Arbitration  at  The  Hague. 

3.  World  Conferences  meet- 
ing regularly  at  shorter  inter- 
vals than  heretofore :  To  es- 
tablish the  Court  and  Council ; 
to  formulate  and  codify  rules 
of  international  law  valid  for 
all  nations  which  approve 
them. 

4.  A  Permanent  Continua- 
tion Committee  of  the  World 
Conferences  with  such  powers 
as  the  Conferences  may  grant. 
— National  Security  League's 


3.  Conferences  of  signatory 
powers  from  time  to  time  :  To 
formulate  and  codify  rules  of 
international  law  valid  unless 
vetoed  by  some  signatory 
power  within  a  stated  period. 

4.  Joint  use  of  economic 
forces  against  a  signatory 
power  which  refuses  to  sub- 
mit any  question  to  court  or 
council  before  committing 
hostilities ;  joint  use  of  mili- 
tary forces  against  a  signatory 
which  actually  begins  war  be- 
fore such  submission. 

Handbook. 


With  Our  Faces  Toward  the  Light 

This  America  that  we  thought  was  full  of  a  multitude  of 
contrary  counsels  now  speaks  with  the  great  volume  of  the 
heart's  accord,  and  that  great  heart  of  America  has  behind  it 
the  supreme  moral  force  of  righteousness  and  hope  and  the 
liberty  of  mankind. — IVoodrow  Wilson. 


PART  II 
THE  VOICE  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA 


\ 


I 


I 


GOVERNOR  RICHARD  I.  MANNING 

"South  Carolinians  have  too  splencHd  a  history  behind  them 
in  times  of  war  not  to  do  and  give  their  utmost  at  this  time, 
when  the  United  States  has  arrayed  itself  against  the  most 
formidable  military  machine  the  world  has  ever  known.  Our 
people  will  do  their  duty  courageously  and  with  a  spirit  that 
will  not  admit  defeat. 

"But  this  war,  thrust  upon  us  by  the  unscrupulous  designs  of 
an  autocratic  power,  calls  upon  us  to  make  every  sacrifice. 
The  world-wide  German  intrigue,  revealed  by  recent  dis- 
closures, proves  beyond  question  the  justice  and  necessity  for 
this  war.  It  shows  Germany's  purpose  to  subjugate  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe  by  the  basest  means  known  to  man.  by  dis- 
gracing the  women,  and  then  to  pursue  these  methods  on  us. 
Red-blooded,  brave  men  could  not  fail  to  act  decisively  to  pre- 
vent such  action  and  to  defeat  such  purposes.  The  war  was  a 
necessity  if  the  world  is  to  be  a  safe  place  for  men  and  women, 
and  it  must  therefore  be  won  at  any  cost  and  sacrifice. 

"We  will  be  called  upon  to  give  our  time  and  money,  to  give 
ourselves  and  our  loved  ones,  in  the  cause  of  democracy.  Let 
us  do  it  with  the  knowledge  that  we  are  fighting  for  our  own 
safety,  for  the  honor  of  our  women  and  our  country,  for 
civilization  and  humanity,  and  for  the  security  of  liberty  in 
the  ages  to  come.  Let  us  not  measure  our  patriotism  by  what 
we  deny  ourselves,  but  also  by  the  service  we  are  rendering  our 
State  and  our  country  in  this  crisis. 

"I  urge  you,  therefore,  to  join  in  with  all  accredited  agencies 
of  the  Government  in  their  earnest  efforts  to  put  this  country, 
and  our  State  especially,,  upon  a  war  footing."— /?jV/iar</  /. 
Manning. 

SENATOR  B.   R.  TILLMAN 

"I  am,  heart  and  soul,  in  favor  of  the  vigorous  prosecution 
of  this  war  until  the  Hohenzollerns  are  brought  to  their  senses. 
The  policy  outlined  by  the  President  in  his  reply  to  the  Pope 
has  been  made  a  fact  of  history.  If  we  do  not  fight  Germany 
in  Europe,  and  see  that  her  scheme  for  universal  domination 


62  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

of  the  world  comes  to  naught,  we  will  certainly  have  to  fight 
her  here  later.  Therefore,  in  every  way  possible,  I  am  encour- 
aging the  most  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war.  We  cannot 
aflford  to  lie  supinely  on  our  backs  and  not  fight  for  all  we  are 
worth.  The  sooner  the  people  understand  the  situation  and 
pursue  this  policy  the  better  off  we  will  be." — B.  R.  Tillman. 

SENATOR  E.   D.    SMITH 

"This  war  was  not  of  our  seeking;  our  rights  as  Americans 
were  ruthlessly  disregarded  and  international  law  of  long 
standing  was  violated  by  the  German  Government.  It  might 
have  been  a  question  whether  we  should  have  gone  to  war  if 
only  American  property  had  been  destroyed,  but  when  Amer- 
ican lives,  the  lives  of  women  and  little  children,  were  heart- 
lessly taken,  then  there  was  nothing  left  but  for  us  by  a  declar- 
ation of  war  and  its  relentless  prosecution  to  serve  notice  not 
alone  upon  the  German  Government  but  upon  the  world  at 
large  that  free,  democratic  America  would  not  allow  the  rights 
of  her  citizens  and  of  the  government  to  be  violated  with 
impunity,  more  especially  when  this  violation  took  the  form  of 
cold-blooded  murder  of  her  citizens  upon  the  high  seas. 

"We  have  sent  our  soldiers  and  seamen  to  vindicate  these 
rights  and  to  uphold  the  honor  and  dignity  of  our  flag.  Those 
citizens  who  are  to  be  at  home  should  find  it  a  glorious  priv- 
ilege to  rally  in  every  way  possible  to  the  support  and  sus- 
tenance of  our  army  and  navy  and  to  lend  what  aid  we  can  to 
our  Allies. 

"In  this  mighty  struggle  the  National  and  Local  Councils  of 
Defense  are  the  organized  bodies  charged  with  the  duty  of 
indicating  the  lines  along  which  the  best  service  can  be  ren- 
dered. Hearty  co-operation  with  them  will  be  the  most  efficient 
means  of  rendering  the  best  service." — E.  D.  Sinitli. 

ATTORNEY  GENERAL  THOS.  H.  PEEPLES 

"It  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  govern- 
ment, and  to  democracy,  that  each  of  the  sovereign  States 
co-operate  with  the  Government  in  its  every  effort  to  achieve 
a  speedy  victory  in  the  great  conflict  that  is  overshadowing 
the  world,  to  the  end  that  peace  may  again  reign  supreme.   The 


The  Voice  of  South  Carof-ina  63 

response  of  South  Carolina  and  her  citizens  will  be  what  it 
has  always  been  in  every  emerg^ency  which  has  confronted  the 
nation — the  performance  of  their  whole  duty  with  a  devoted 
and  sacrificial  loyalty  and  patriotism." — Thos.  II.  I'ceplcs. 

ASSISTANT   ATTORNEY    GENERAL   CLAUD    N.    SAPP 

"The  American  Union  is  at  this  time  in  a  death  p^rapple  with 
the  Imperial  German  Government,  the  strongest  nation  in  arms 
the  world  has  ever  known.  Upon  the  result  of  this  struggle 
the  existence  of  democracies  in  the  future  depends.  The 
strength  of  the  nation  is  no  greater  than  the  average  of  her 
citizenship.  Tt  is,  therefore,  the  duty  of  all  loyal  Americans  to 
rally  to  the  support  of  the  President  and  the  flag,  as  failure  so 
to  do  will  give  aid  and  comfort  to  the  common  enemy." — Claud 
N.  Sapp. 

CHRISTIE  BENET 

"If  your  life  has  been  a  good  one,  bounded  only  by  your  am- 
bition and  your  ability ;  if  you  think  that  the  oceans  are  the 
highways  of  the  world  to  be  used  by  all  the  nations;  if  you 
have  lived  under  a  flag  that  means  freedom  to  you  and  to  all ; 
if  you  feel  that  women  and  children  are  to  be  protected  and 
guarded  at  any  cost ;  if  you  believe  in  truth  and  honor,  and 
that  right  is  greater  than  might ; — then  you  believe  in  the  cause 
of  the  Allies,  now  the  cause  of  the  United  States. 

"Germany  believes  in  the  divine  right  of  Kings,  and  that 
the  Hohenzollerns  are  to  be  kept  on  their  throne,  although 
men  and  women  by  the  million  must  die  to  bring  that  about. 
She  caused  the  wanton  and  studied  destruction  of  Belgium  and 
has  justified  the  rape  of  the  women  of  Belgium,  France  and 
Armenia.  She  has  ordered  her  officers  to  sink  at  sea  and  at 
night  unarmed  passenger  ships  so  that  'no  trace  will  be  left.* 
She  has  caused  the  sinking  of  hospital  ships  and  the  bombing 
at  night  of  hospitals,  both  filled  with  wounded  men.  She 
believes  that  war  justifies  killing  unarmed  nurses  who  were 
trying  to  save  wounded  men  from  the  buildings  set  on  fire  by 
German  aviators;  shooting  Edith  Cavell,  the  English  nurse, 
in  the  dead  of  night,  and  lying  about  her  farcical  trial  to  the 
Minister  of  the  United  States  who  tried  to  save  her.  She  has 
plunged  the  world  in  blood  to  get  her  "place  in  the  sun.'  which 


k 


64 


The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 


means  every  place  under  the  sun.  She  believes  that  her  ambas- 
sadors and  chancellors  are  justified  in  using  trickery  and 
deceit,  bribery  and  murder,  to  bring  about  her  ends,  and  that 
Peace  is  contemptible  and  War  glorious ! 


"The  Allies  of  the  United 

States  are : 

England, — the  home  of  free 
men  and  of  free  speech ; 

France, — the  sister  Republic 
that  aided  us  in  our  hour  of 
peril  and  need,  now  'bled 
white'  by  three  years  of 
war ; 

Russia, — betrayed  by  her  own 
sons  bought  by  German 
gold,  but  with  all  the  long- 
ing for  democracy  taught 
by  France  and  the  United 
States ; 

Italv, — the  land  of  Garibaldi 
and  Cavore,  with  her  'pas- 
sion for  liberty' ; 

Canada,  —  Australia,  —  New 
Zealand, — India, — the  chil- 
dren of  Great  Britain  rally- 
ing from  the  ends  of  the 
earth  to  her  support ; 

Cuba, — our  own  baby  ; 

Belgium, — who  lost  her  lands 
but  saved  her  soul  when  she 
could  have  bargained  and 
grown  rich  ; 

Servia, — crushed  by  the  power 
of  the  Teutons  but  reso- 
lutely fighting  on ; 

Roumania, — knowing  the  path 
was  bloody,  but  choosing  it 
in  preference  to  the  rule  of 
the  Kaiser  and  the  Turk ; 


"On  the  other  side  stand : 

Germany, — the  home  of  Kul- 
tur,  the  advocate  of  Might, 
the  country  of  the  subma- 
rine and  the  bomb  at  night ; 

Austria, — the  backward-look- 
ing, controlled  by  the  Kaiser 
and  the  Pro-German  party ; 

Bulgaria, — who  traded  with 
the  side  her  crafty  King, 
Ferdinand,  thought  the 
stronger ; 

Turkey,  —  the  unspeakable, 
the  home  of  the  harem,  the 
assassin  of  Christian  Arme- 
nia. 


Thk  Voice  of  South  Carolina  63 

Greece, — long     betrayed  but 

now    free   to   fight   for  her 

future    and    the    future  of 
the  world. 

"The  Hour  has  come!  Stand  up  and  choose  your  side!" — 
Christie  Bcnet,  Columbia. 

H.   H.   BLEASE 

"It  is  immaterial  whether  we  approve  of  the  war,  or  whether 
we  approve  of  the  wisdom  of  the  Government  in  selecting  our 
soldiers  by  draft.  The  fact  is.  that  we  are  at  war,  and  that 
our  young  men  have  been  drawn,  and  American  citizens  have 
been  killed.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  do  everything 
possible  to  conserve  our  men  morally  and  physically,  and  to 
exert  all  of  our  energy  to  cause  our  armies  to  be  successful. 
This  is  no  time  for  halting  or  quibbling.  It  is  no  time  for 
asking  and  answering  questions.  It  is  our  duty  to  act,  act 
promptly,  act  positively,  act  intelligently,  in  obedience  to  the 
voice  of  our  Government,  which  has  spoken  through  the 
National  Congress  and  the  great  Chief  Executive  of  this 
Nation. 

"On  one  occasion,  the  Great  Teacher,  the  Savior  of  men, 
was  asked  a  question.  Before  answering  the  question.  He 
called  for  a  penny.  After  examining  this  penny,  He  said, 
'Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's.'  I  under- 
stand this  to  teach  in  this  day,  which  day  is  yours  and  mine, 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  person  to  render  obedience  unto  the 
laws  of  his  State  and  Nation.  It  is,  therefore,  the  time  when 
we  should  forget  selfishness ;  it  is  the  time  when  we  should  not 
think  of  partisanship ;  it  is  the  time  when  we  should  not  think 
of  political  preferment ;  it  is  the  time  when  South  Carolinians 
should  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder,  as  one  man ;  it  is  the  time 
when  every  citizen  should  be  invited  to  do  publicly  and  i)ri- 
vately  that  which  he  can  to  advance  the  great  work  in  which 
we  are  engaged,  and  every  one  should  do  everything  possible 
to  advance  our  common  interests  and  preserve  our  integrity 
as  a  State  and  Nation ;  it  is  the  time  when  we  should  all  strive 
to  do  the  obscure  things,  if  we  are  the  best  fitted  to  do  such 


66  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

things,  and  whether  we  are  best  fitted  or  not,  if  we  cannot  do 
the  prominent  thing,  we  should  do  the  obscure  thing. 

"We  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  cause  of  the  war.  What- 
ever that  cause  may  have  been,  it  is  now  necessary  for  us  not 
only  to  fight  for  world-wide  democracy,  for  national  democ- 
racy, for  state  democracy,  but  it  is  necessary  that  we  should 
fight  for  liberty,  our  liberty,  the  liberty  of  our  wives,  the  lib- 
erty of  our  children,  the  liberty  of  our  posterity,  the  liberty  for 
which  our  forefathers  fought.  If  the  Germans  are  victorious, 
and  if  they  are  guilty  of  one-tenth  of  the  atrocious,  heinous 
and  unspeakable  crimes  which  are  charged  against  them,  God 
have  mercy  upon  our  girls  and  women,  by  taking  them  imme- 
diately to  heaven,  for  if  they  are  forced  to  undergo  that  which 
it  is  said  the  women  of  the  sections  of  the  countries  that  have 
been  overcome  by  the  Germans  have  had  to  undergo,  death  will 
be  preferable.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  man  and  woman  to  be  up 
and  doing,  doing  actively,  doing  earnestly,  everything  that  it  is 
possible  for  them  to  do  in  order  to  bring  victory  to  our  mil- 
itary forces,  in  order  to  bring  peace  to  our  country,  in  order  to 
bring  permanent  peace  to  all  men.  Therefore,  let  us  dare  to 
be  true,  true  to  ourselves,  true  to  our  countrymen,  and  true  to 
God." — H.  H.  Blease,  Neivberry. 

LOWNDES  BROWNING 

"Our  country  is  at  war,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to 
aid  to  the  utmost  in  bringing  it  to  a  successful  issue.  Whether 
we  were  justified  in  entering  this  war  will  be  a  fit  subject  for 
discussion  after  peace  is  concluded.  My  whole  being  tells  me 
that  no  nation  ever  entered  upon  a  more  justifiable,  a  more 
righteous  war.  But  did  I  believe  my  country  was  unjustified 
in  entering  upon  this  conflict,  I  would  be  a  traitor  did  I  give 
public  utterance  to  such  belief,  because  I  would  be  giving  aid 
and  encouragement  to  the  enemies  of  my  country  and  stimu- 
lating them  to  greater  resistance,  my  utterances  showing  that 
there  was  a  division  of  sentiment  on  this  question.  I  would 
be  a  murderer  of  my  fellow  citizens,  because  in  encouraging 
the  enemy  to  greater  exertion,  I  necessarily  cause  more  of  my 
countrymen  to  die  upon  the  field  of  battle,  before  they  bring 
the  war  to  a  successful  issue. 


The  Voice  of  South  Carolina  67 

"The  man  who  says  the  United  States  was  not  justified  in 
entering-  this  war,  is  one  who,  when  travehng  upon  a  public 
highway  with  his  wife  and  children,  is  attacked  by  a  ruflfian, 
runs  away,  leaving  those  dependent  upon  him  for  protection, 
to  be  robbed  or  murdered  at  the  pleasure  of  the  outlaw,  and 
who  afterwards  justifies  his  cowardly  action  and  also  excuses 
the  ruffian  for  his  brutal  murders." — Lozouics  Bronmin^, 
Union. 

R.  A.  COOPER 

"It  is  practically  impossible  to  add  anything  to  what  has 
been  stated  many  times  on  this  subject.  Every  patriotic  citi- 
zen can  assume  but  one  attitude,  and  that  is  a  determination 
to  serve  his  country  in  every  way  possible  to  bring  this  war 
to  a  successful  and  speedy  conclusion,  and  reduce  the  suffer- 
ing and  sacrifice  to  a  minimum.  We  must  be  ready  and  will- 
ing to  make  any  material  sacrifice  necessary  for  the  efficient 
work  of  our  armies  and  navies.  Let  us  cease  discussing  the 
merits  of  the  controversy.  The  question  of  our  duty  has  been 
determined  by  the  court  of  last  resort.  (  Hir  cause  is  just; 
the  victory  must  be  won.  Our  soldiers  will  soon  be  on  the 
firing  line  and  they  are  entitled  to  the  active,  sympathetic  sup- 
port of  those  who  can  not  go  to  the  front  and  share  with 
them  the  hardships  of  battle.  We  must  maintain  that  attitude 
so  well  expressed  by  Mr.  Wilson  in  his  address  l^efore  Con- 
gress on  April  2nd,  when  he  said  : 

"  'We  have  no  selfish  ends  to  serve.  We  desire  no  con- 
quest, no  dominion.  We  seek  no  indemnity  for  ourselves, 
no  material  compensation  for  the  sacrifices  we  shall  freely 
make.  We  are  but  one  of  the  champions  of  the  rights  of 
mankind.  We  shall  be  satisfied  when  those  rights  have  been 
made  as  secure  as  the  faith  and  freedom  of  nations  can  make 
them.' 

"If  we  live  up  to  this  high  standard  and  carry  this  war  to  a 
successful  conclusion — as  we  must  and  will  do — America  will 
become  the  guiding  star  and  the  'bow  of  promise'  of  all  the 
nations  seeking  the  glorious  light  of  liberty  and  our  compen- 
sation will  be  the  consciousness  of  having  rendered  a  real 
service  to  the  cause  of  humanity  and  democracy." — R.  A. 
Cooper,  Laurens. 


68  The  \'oice  of  South  Carolina 

WILLIAM   SPENCER  CURRELL 

"Three  chief  motives,  gratitude,  self-protection  and  the 
desire  for  the  ultimate  triumph  of  right,  should  impel  our 
Government  to  prosecute  with  vigor  and  persistence  the  great 
struggle  against  the  Central  Powers  dominated  by  Prussian 
Germany.  For  three  years  our  four  great  allies,  Italy,  Russia, 
England  and  ■  France  have  been  fighting  our  battles  at 
tremendous  cost  to  themselves  in  men  and  money.  Defeat  for 
them  would  leave  Europe  at  the  mercy  of  a  foe,  striving  for 
world-wide  supremacy  with  'the  treachery  of  a  spy  and  the 
ruthlessness  of  an  assassin.'  Against  these  aims  and  methods 
the  forces  of  three-fourths  of  the  world  are  arrayed  in  behalf 
of  the  cause  of  freedom,  humanity,  civilization  and  for  the 
establishment  on  a  firm  and  lasting  basis  of  a  safe  and  sane 
democracy  in  opposition  to  an  aggressive  autocracy.  In  this 
conflict  an  overwhelming  majority  of  patriotic  South  Caro- 
linians are  on  the  side  of  right  and  justice,  and  our  citizens 
without  distinction  of  race,  color  or  sex  will  support  the 
National  Government  with  unflinching  zeal  and  devotion. 
Animis  opibiisqiie  parati,  ready  with  our  souls  and  resources. 
the  motto  of  our  State,  is  engraved  indelibly  on  the  hearts  of 
our  people." — IV.  S.  Currell,  University  of  South  Carolina. 

DR.   GEO.  B.  CROMER 

"We  might  have  kept  out  of  the  war : 

"By  admitting  that  Germany  has  the  right  selfishly  to  treat 
her  solemn  contracts  with  other  nations  as  'scraps  of  paper.' 

"By  admitting  that  Germany  had  the  right,  with  mailed  fist 
and  iron  heel,  ruthlessly  to  crush  and  destroy  Belgium,  a  weak 
nation  whose  neutrality  she  was  under  sacred  obligation  to 
protect. 

"By  admitting  that  Germany  has  the  right  to  fence  in  the 
high  seas,  the  great  highway  of  nations,  and  to  destroy  the 
peaceful  commerce  of  neutral  countries,  while  professing  to 
be  their  friend. 

"By  admitting  that  Germany,  while  enjoying  our  hospitality 
and  professing  to  be  our  friend,  had  the  right  to  maintain  an 
army  of  spies  and  carry  on  a  campaign  of  lawlessness  in  our 
own  country. 


Tiiii  V'oicii  OF  South  Carolina  69 

"By  admitting^  that  Ciermany,  wliile  professing  to  be  our 
friend,  had  the  right  to  embroil  us  with  Mexico  and  japan  in 
an  effort  to  destroy  the  integrity  of  our  country. 

"By  admitting  tliat  Germany,  while  j)rofessing  to  be  our 
friend,  had  the  right,  with  ruthless  and  devilish  disregard  of 
law  and  humanity,  to  destroy  our  ships  and  murder  our  citi- 
zens, men,  women  and  children,  traveling  on  peaceful  missions 
and  within  their  perfect  legal  rights. 

"By  admitting  that  might  is  right ;  that  there  is  no  law  of 
nations  above  the  will  and  power  of  the  Imperial  German  Gov- 
ernment ;  that  our  flag  is  no  longer  an  emblem  of  sovereignty 
and  national  honor ;  that  we  have  a  spineless  and  nerveless 
Government  or  a  nation  of  slackers  and  cowards ;  and  that  our 
Constitution  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence  are  'scraps 
of  paper.' 

"Being  unwilling  to  admit  these  things,  we  are  in  the  war. 
We  will  come  out  of  the  war  by  the  gate  of  \'ictory — victory 
that  will  vindicate  the  rights  and  freedom  of  our  own  people, 
and  victory  for  justice,  liberty,  and  humanity.  But  we  must 
overcome  an  army  at  home  as  well  as  vast  armies  in  Europe. 
In  our  owm  country  are  spies,  so-called  pacifists,  traitors  and 
demagogues,  who  are  diligently  sowing  the  seeds  of  sedition 
and  treason  by  criticising  the  methods  and  policies  of  our  Gov- 
ernment and  by  creating  division  and  dissatisfaction  among 
our  own  people.  They  are  trying  to  shackle  the  Government, 
and,  in  effect,  they  are  attacking  our  army  in  flank  and  rear. 
Our  army  is  entitled  to  the  undivided  support  of  a  united  coun- 
try. To  this  end  and  to  the  utmost  limit  of  its  Constitutional 
authority,  the  Government  should  put  down  the  sinister  Pro- 
German  influences  that  are  at  work  in  our  own  country.  There 
is  no  middle  ground.  Our  citizens  who  are  not  Pro-American 
are  Pro-German.  Those  who  are  not  for  us  are  against  us."— 
George  B.  Cromer,  Newberry. 

JOHN  L.   McLAURIN 

"No  one  has  stated  the  question  at  issue  so  clearly  as  Presi- 
dent Wilson  in  his  reply  to  the  peace  proposal  of  the  Pope. 

"There  is  no  government  in  Germany  upon  whose  assurances 
concerning  peace  we  can  depend.   When  the  Jimker  in  Germany 


7©  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

is  put  clown,  we  can  talk  peace  and  not  before.  I  have  but 
little  patience  with  the  so-called  pacifist.  He  is  first  cousin 
intellectually  to  the  Prussian  bully,  who  thinks  that  by  a  war 
of  frightfulness  the  courage  of  a  nation  may  be  broken.  One 
is  a  coward  and  the  other  is  a  brute.  It  is  hard  for  mothers  to 
give  up  their  boys,  but  I  have  yet  to  hear  of  one  holding  back. 
When  our  women  read  of  the  outrages  committed  on  mother- 
hood, the  fountain  from  which  springs  the  purity  of  the  race, 
they  understand  the  necessity  and  glory  in  giving  their  sons  to 
save  womanhood  from  the  Hun  despoiler. 

"The  draft  law  is  a  success,  and  makes  ridiculous  those 
members  of  Congress  who  forecasted  riots  and  bloodshed  in 
the  attempt  to  enforce  it.  It  is  being  put  into  operation  with 
order  and  system,  undisturbed  save  by  a  few  political  agitators 
and  other  designing  men  who  really  sympathize  with  the 
enemies  of  the  United  States.  All  that  the  people  want  is  to 
have  the  facts  clearly  presented  as  to  the  need  of  ridding  this 
world  of  the  German  Scourge.  We  have  the  men  and 
resources,  let  us  never  stop  until  German  Saz'agery  is  com- 
pletelv  crushed  into  everlasting  harmlessness." — Jno.  L. 
McLaiirin,  Bennettsi'Ule. 

WHAT  THE  FREEDOM  OF  THE  SEAS  MEANS 
TO  THE  FARMERS 

T.   G.  McLEOD 

"Does  the  freedom  of  the  sea  afifect  you?  If  you  say  it  is 
a  Wall  Street  war,  then  I  say  that  if  under  those  circumstances 
it  involved  a  cardinal  principle  and  the  maintenance  of  our 
liberty  and  honor  I  would  fight  for  Wall  Street  even,  but  it 
does  not.  And  Wall  Street  might  say  with  a  great  deal  more 
truth  that  it  is  a  cotton  war.  You  people  arc  dependent  upon 
cotton  and  it  is  your  money  crop.  Therefore  the  happiness 
and  prosperity  of  your  homes  are  dependent  upon  your  market 
for  your  cotton.  It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  we  export  prac- 
tically two-thirds  of  our  crop.  Now,  if  Germany  had  been 
allowed  to  close  the  seas  to  our  commerce  then  instead  of  get- 
ting twenty-five  cents  per  pound  for  your  cotton,  you  would 
probably  be  getting  less  than  six.     Why?     Because  you  would 


The  Voice  of  South  Carolina  71 

have  had  a  twelve  miUion  bale  crop  with  a  demand  for  only 
about  four  million  bales. 

"Therefore,  my  cotton  growinj^  friends,  when  the  Kaiser  of 
Germany  said  to  America,  'You  cannot  transport  your  cotton 
or  any  other  goods  across  the  ocean,'  he  stood  ui)on  your  toes 
and  spit  in  your  faces.  The  sea  is  the  great  jugular  vein  of 
commerce,  the  main  artery.  You  can  sever  the  small  veins  of 
your  hand  and  with  first  aid  remedies  to  assist,  immediately 
stop  the  flow  of  blood  and  your  body  maintains  its  normal  con- 
dition, but  cut  the  jugular  vein  and  all  the  surgery  in  the  world 
cannot  save  your  life.  The  sea  is  the  great  jugular  vein,  the 
main  artery  of  commerce.  Our  national  life  is  dependent  upon 
commerce  for  its  existence,  and  as  a  nation,  therefore,  destroy 
this  and  you  have  destroyed  our  existence,  or  at  least  made  us 
so  dependent  upon  another  power  that  we  will  remain  no  longer 
freemen  but  commercial  serfs  and  slaves. 

"I  heard  this  splendidly  illustrated  a  few  days  ago  in  a  con- 
versation on  the  train.  It  was  between  an  intelligent  traveling 
man  and  a  plain,  one-horse  farmer  whom  I  knew.  My  friend, 
the  farmer,  began  the  conversation.  He  said,  'Look  here.  Mis- 
ter, what  do  you  think  about  this  war?  Me,  myself.  I  ain't  got 
no  time  for  it.  I  don't  see  any  use  of  it.  They  tell  me  it  is  about 
the  sea.  Now,  I  never  been  on  the  sea  and  I  never  expect  to  go 
on  the  sea,  but  if  Germany  wants  the  sea.  I  say  let  Germany 
have  it  and  us  keep  out  of  this  war.  What  do  you  think 
about  it  ?' 

"The  drummer  took  time,  as  all  intelligent  people  should  do, 
to  answer  intelligently  the  man,  and  he  said:  'My  friend,  do 
you  live  on  the  public  road  ?' 

"  'Yes,  sir,'  said  the  farmer. 

"  'What  do  you  use  it  for?' 

"  'Why,  haul  my  cotton  to  market ;  I  go  to  see  my  relatives 
and  friends  ;  T  go  to  church  ;  my  children  use  it  to  go  to  school.' 

"Said  the  drummer:  'Suppose  that  two  of  your  neighbors 
living  upon  that  public  road  have  a  row,  and  either  one  of  them 
says  to  you.  "as  long  as  this  row  lasts  between  us.  you  keep 
off  of  that  road.  If  you  do  not  you  will  get  into  trouble."  Now, 
what  will  you  do  about  it?' 

"Said  the  farmer:   'Why,  that  road  is  free.    If  you  take  that 


72  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

road  away  from  me  you  take  my  living  away  from  me.    I  will 
fight  for  that  road.    I  would  die  before  I  would  stay  ofif  of  it.' 

"  'Yes,'  said  the  drummer,  'and  what  the  public  road  is  to 
you.  to  your  life  and  to  your  wife  and  your  children,  the  great 
ocean  is  to  the  United  States  of  America  and  to  all  the  peoples 
that  go  to  constitute  this  great  government,  and  President  Wil- 
son has  said  to  the  world  and  to  Germany  the  same  thing  in  a 
different  way.  and  so  has  Congress.  They  have  said  to  Ger- 
many, 'the  great  seas  are  free  and  we  will  die  before  we  will 
surrender  this  basic  principle  of  our  existence.' 

"The  farmer  said,  T  see  the  point.'  And  so  must  any  honest 
man." — FroDi  T.  G.  McLeod's  Speech  at  Darlington,  Harts- 
ville,  etc. 

JOHN    G.    RICHARDS 

"All  of  us  cannot  go  to  the  front,  but  we  can  at  least  per- 
form our  duty  to  our  country  at  home  or  wherever  circum- 
stances have  called  us  to  serve.  There  are  many  ways  in 
which  we  can  serve  our  country  in  this  great  crisis,  and  these 
opportunities  will  be  eagerly  grasped:  but  the  greatest,  the 
most  sacred  duty  for  us  who  are  to  remain  at  home  is  to  assure 
our  boys  who  go  to  the  front,  and  who  must  bare  their  breasts 
in  their  country's  cause,  that  they  are  heroes  every  one  of  them  ; 
that  they  are  performing  the  greatest  duty  that  it  is  possible 
for  a  citizen  to  perform  for  his  country;  that  they  not  only 
have  our  love  and  respect,  but  the  gratitude  which  our  country 
offers  them  shall  last  forever. 

"Let  us  stand  as  one  man  with  our  whole  hearts  behind  the 
men  who  are  to  fight  our  battles  in  this  war,  and  they  will 
win." — John  G.  Richards,  Liberty  Hill. 

DR.  OLIN  SAWYER 

"After  most  serious  and  prayerful  consideration,  I  do  not 
see  how  our  country  could  have  taken  further  injuries  and 
insults  and  maintained  our  respectability  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth  in  order  to  have  kept  out  of  this  war.  If  the  Presi- 
dent and  Congress  made  any  mistake,  it  was  in  not  declaring 
war  on  Germany  when  the  Lusitania  was  sunk. 

"T  do  not  see  what  else  Germany  could  have  done  to  make 
us  fight,  unless  the  Kaiser  had  come  over  here  and  slapped 


1 


The  Voice  of  South  Carolina  73 

the  President's  face.  Of  course  everybody  wanted  an  'lion- 
orable  peace'  before  war  was  ever  declared,  but  we  were  fast 
coming  to  a  dishonorable  position  in  trying  to  keep  that  peace. 
Now,  war  liaving  been  declared,  we  still  want  that  'honorable 
peace',  but  how  can  we  get  it?  1  know  of  no  way  to  get  it 
from  a  ruthless,  vain-glorying,  ambitious  foe  who  doesn't 
think  we  will  fight,  and,  if  we  do,  that  he  can  lick  us — I  say  I 
know  of  no  way  to  get  that  'honorable  peace'  but  to  give  this 
haughty  and  arrogant  government  such  a  thorough  thrashing 
that  it  will  be  willing  to  come  down  from  its  high  place  and 
agree  to  this  'honorable  peace.' 

"Our  country  being  at  war,  I  can  conceive  f)f  but  two  stands 
— for  our  country  and  government  or  against  our  country  antl 
government.  There  can  be  no  half-way  ground  or  fence- 
straddling. 

"Our  allies  are  fighting  our  fight  and  we  are  fighting  theirs ; 
and,  therefore,  abuse  and  attacks  upon  them  or  any  of  them 
is  an  attack  upon  us  and  upon  our  country. 

"In  my  judgment  it  is  supremely  proper  to  teach  and  to 
explain  to  our  people  the  causes  of  this  war  and  the  many 
complicated  questions  and  interests  that  are  involved  and 
that  will  continue  to  arise  until  a  final  settlement  is  reached. 
Such  teaching  and  explanations  are  not  signs  of  weakness  in 
the  causes  of  the  war,  any  more  than  the  continuous  preaching 
of  the  Gospel  is  evidence  of  its  weakness  and  inefficiency; 
therefore,  the  State  Council  of  Defense  and  all  other  agencies 
should  lose  no  occasion  to  preach  and  teach  the  absolute  justi- 
fication of  our  country  being  forced  into  this  war  and  on  the 
defensive  at  that,  regardless  of  the  doubtful  jiosition  taken  by 
those  who  show  to  the  enemies  of  our  country  that  we  are  not 
standing  together  in  this  fight,  by  still  arguing  the  question  of 
our  entrance  into  this  war,  and  that  it  is  a  sign  of  weakness  of 
the  cause  when  eflfort  is  made  to  teach  and  inform  the  people 
of  the  insidious  way  many  things  were  done  that  forced  our 
President  and  Congress  to  lead  us  into  war. 

"Then,  for  the  sake  of  all  that  is  great  and  glorious  in  our 
country,  long  the  standard  of  successful  republics  and  democ- 
racies, to  which  the  less  free  peoples  of  other  nations  could 
point  as  a  living  example  of  a  government  of.  for.  and  by  the 


74  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

people — let  us  rise  up  as  one  man  against  the  enemies  of 
America  and  the  enemies  of  democracies  and  in  deed  and  in 
truth  fight  till  Democracy  is  safe  and  the  curse  of  every  Autoc- 
racy is  struck  from  the  necks  of  the  children  of  men,  wherever 
they  may  inhabit  the  earth." — Olin  Sawyer,  Georgetown. 

CHAS.    CARROLL   SIMMS 

"If  the  President  is  criticised  on  his  Mexican  policies,  there 
can  be  no  question  of  his  earnest  efforts  to  maintain  neutrality 
in  the  present  war,  and  the  entry  of  this  country  into  this  war 
was  inevitable  and  preordained.  The  European  conditions  for 
centuries  have  been  abominable.  Aristocratic  arrogance  all 
pervasive.  Class  controlled  and  rights  of  the  people  trampled 
upon.  Slavery  of  the  worse  character  was  endured  by  the 
poor  and  working  classes,  whilst  social  equality  depended  not 
upon  merit,  but  upon  privilege.  Unbridled  license  in  court  cir- 
cles and  freedom  from  all  moral,  intellectual  or  even  decent 
influences,  prevailed,  and  whatever  the  abilities  and  character 
of  a  man,  his  social,  importance  was  established  by  his  wealth 
and  not  by  his  earning  capacity. 

"A  like  degeneration  has  progressed  in  this  country.  All 
ideals  have  been  laid  aside  and  disregarded  in  the  mad  en- 
deavor for  enjoyment  without  work  and  amassing  money, 
until  we  have  become  a  people  uncontrolled  by  God  or  the 
fear  of  eternal  consequences.  We  have  worshipped  the  golden 
calf  and  like  the  balance  of  the  world,  we  are  facing  the  fate 
of  the  Ephraimites.  This  war  was  not  a  spontaneous  combus- 
tion, nor  incidental  to  European  entanglements,  but  has  arisen 
in  the  Providence  of  God,  and  the  mere  death  of  a  Duke,  or 
the  violation  of  the  Belgium  treaty  were  merely  excusatory  of 
that  which  had  to  come,  and  such  incidents,  as  the  thirty  pieces 
of  silver  to  Iscariot,  form  merely  a  part  in  the  fulfillment  of  the 
destiny  of  the  world. 

"Out  of  this  war  will  be  evolved  a  greater  world.  The  chaff 
will  be  winnowed  from  the  seed;  new  ideals  will  be  estab- 
lished ;  purification  in  the  blood,  in  the  sacrifice  will  result  and 
a  prosperity  hitherto  unknown  will  come,  especially  to  the 
South,  and  a  consciousness  of  duty  to  the  Supreme  Authority 
and  a  happier  communion  among  men  in  equal  enjoyment  will 


The  Voice  of  South  Carolina  75 

be   established,   founded   ui)oii   mutual   respect  and   considera- 
tion."— CJias.  Carroll  Si)iii)is,  Barmvell. 

DR.  HENRY  N.  SNYDER 

"The  deeper  we  try  to  think  into  the  causes  and  issues  of 
the  world-tragedy  into  which  we  have  been  drawn,  the  more 
evident  does  it  become  that  we  are  engaged  in  a  conllict  of 
irreconcilable  ideals  of  life  and  government,  and  that  the  bat- 
tle-ground for  determining  which  of  these  ideals  shall  prevail 
cannot  be  confined  to  European  lands.  The  stark,  naked  truth 
of  the  matter,  then,  is  that  the  ideals  held  to  and  put  into 
frightful  practice  by  the  Imperial  German  Government  and 
the  ideals  of  the  American  Government  cannot  exist  together 
on  this  planet.  They  are  so  fundamentally  hostile  to  one 
another  that  the  world  is  not  big  enough  to  furnish  to  both 
room  for  peaceful  and  friendly  living.  A  victorious  autocracy 
now  would  mean  either  the  death  of  democracy  or  its  slow 
recuperation  for  another  and  even  bloodier  test  of  its  right  to 
live. 

"Gradually  and  firmly  this  conviction  is  gripping  the  minds 
of  our  people,  and  with  a  grim,  quiet,  fixed  determination  they 
are  taking  up  the  mighty  task  of  war  in  order  that  govern- 
ments of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people  shall 
not  perish  from  the  earth. 

"In  the  accomplishment  of  this  task  they  are  realizing: 

"i.  That  the  war  they  are  in  is  a  matching  of  the  whole 
resources  of  the  nations  involved, — man-power,  money-power, 
material-power,  spiritual-power. 

"2.  That  these  resources,  to  be  practically  available,  must 
be  intelligently  mobilized.  All  that  the  nation  has.  therefore, 
must  be  at  the  command  of  every  official  call  and  appeal  and 
be  related  vitally  to  the  various  organizations  that  have  been 
put  in  motion  for  utilizing  the  national  resources. 

"3.  That  the  motto  of  each  American  citizen  should  be, — 
Each  the  bit  for  which  each  is  fit.  For  when  we  think  of  all 
the  resources  of  the  nation,  we  think  of  each  of  us  and  what 
each  can  do  as  an  essential  part  of  those  resources.  In  this 
battle  to  save  democracy  each  man  and  woman  is  privileged 
to  have  his  share,  and  not  to  accept  it  whole-heartedly  is  to 


^6  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

fail  to  meet  the  big  patriotic  duty  of  the  hour.  Therefore, 
behind  the  soldiers  in  the  fighting  fronts  we  are  to  form  a  vast 
army  of  the  hosts  of  freedom,  creating,  conserving,  and  organ- 
izing the  resources  of  the  nation  that  the  victory  may  be  sure 
and  complete.  This  means  that  we  are  soldiers  all  wherever 
^yg  are. — in  the  home,  in  shop,  and  store,  and  office,  and  on 
the  farm,  consecrating  our  labors  and  co-ordinating  our  service 
to  the  supreme  business  of  the  hour." — Henry  N.  Snyder, 
Spartanburg. 

W.  A.   STUCKEY 

"It  was  either  war  with  Germany  or  absolute  disregard  of 
our  national  ideals,  honor,  dignity,  safety  and  self-respect. 

"Since  a  soldier  is  worthy  of  honor  and  dignity  in  propor- 
tion to  the  loftiness  of  the  principles  for  which  he  contends, 
surely,  then,  the  soldier  of  the  army  of  select  draft  will  always 
be  worthy  of  our  highest  admiration  and  esteem, — having 
given  the  highest  service  for  the  freedom  and  happiness  of 
mankind. 

"He  who  does  not  by  word  and  deed  give  his  service  to  his 
country  in  this  struggle  is  untrue  to  the  best  traditions  of  his 
country,  and  the  future  generations  will  be  taught  whom  to 
honor." — IV.  A.  Stuckey,  Bishopville. 

DR.    JOHN  E.   WHITE 

"I  am  sorry  for  any  South  Carolina  fellow  citizen  who  has 
gotten  off  on  the  wrong  foot  about  this  war  and  the  obligation 
of  his  State  to  support  his  country  and  humanity  in  the  world 
struggle  for  democracy. 

"If  he  is  lukewarm,  uninterested  or  indififerent  I  would 
appeal  to  him  to  arouse  himself  to  the  fact  that  it  involves 
everything — his,  mine,  and  ours — for  all  the  future. 

"It  is  wrong — nay,  it  is  belittling  to  mind  and  heart  for  a 
man  to  be  placid  and  unconcerned  while  such  a  vital  issue  of 
human  fate  is  suspended  in  doubt. 

"If  he  has  permitted  himself  to  express  what  he  regards  as 
honest  and  intelligent  opposition  to  the  course  his  country  has 
taken  against  Germany,  I  would  beg  him  to  consider  that  the 
great  Southerner  and  Democrat,  upon  whom  the  burden  fell, 


The  Voice  of  South  Carolina  "jj 

tried  everything — jiaticnce.  pleading  and  en<lurance  beyond 
measure — to  keep  the  German  fist  away  from  America's  face, 
and  to  keep  America's  fist  in  the  glove  of  i)eace  :  and  that  in 
spite  of  injury  and  insult,  such  as  no  nation  in  history  t-ver 
tolerated,  our  country  did  not  enter  the  war  in  the  spirit  of 
pugilism  and  brute  anger,  but  only  when  the  Russian  revolu- 
tion nakedly  exposed  the  true  nature  of  the  struggle  as  an 
issue  of  destiny  between  brutalism  and  autocracy,  and  human- 
ity and  democracy. 

"I  would  beg  him  to  consider  before  he  utters  another  word 
in  opi)Osition  to  his  country's  position  in  this  war  the  moral 
meaning  of  his  personal  situation  when  a  South  Carolina  cit- 
izen allows  himself  to  be  associated  for  one  minute  on  the  un- 
American  side  of  such  a  struggle  as  this.  If  Germany  win>  it, 
then  the  hope  of  peace  for  centuries  is  dead.  For  democracy, 
beaten  for  the  time,  will  enter  upon  an  age-long  defense  of  its 
life  on  this  earth.  If  Germany  is  not  defeated,  the  American 
republic  as  we  have  known  it  and  loved  it  will  through  sheer 
necessity,  which  nothing  can  prevent,  become  a  military  nation 
with  concentrated  and  autocratic  powers  taken  from  the  States 
and  from  the  people  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  its  Presidents. 

"I  would  beg  every  Southern  man  as  he  loves  peace  and 
remembers  his  forefathers  fighting  for  democracy  to  allow  no 
one  to  mislead  him  into  forgetting  what  we  owe  to  France  for 
our  liberty  ;  what  the  owe  in  sympathy  to  men  striving  for  free- 
dom anywhere;  what  we  owe  to  the  cherished  democratic 
forms  of  our  own  republic ;  and  what  we  owe  to  the  ideal  and 
hope  for  an  enduring  peace  between  nations,  for  this  war  by  the 
defeat  of  the  very  gods  of  war  is  the  only  chance  international 
brotherhood  has  on  this  earth."— /o/?/;  E.  ll'hifc,  .hulcrson. 

THE  SOUTHS  RESPONSIBILITY  IN  THE  WAR 

For  the  first  time  in  many  years  the  South  has  recently  come 
into  its  own  in  national  circles.  The  party  whose  principles  it 
has  striven  for  for  generations  is  in  power.  .\  Smithern  man 
is  in  the  presidency ;  Southern  men  are  in  the  cabinet ;  South- 
ern statesmen  are  at  the  head  of  important  committees  in 
both  houses  of  Congress  and  are  directing  legislation  of 
world-wide  import;   Southern  views  and   Southern   ideas  are 


78  The  Voice  of  South  Carolina 

making  themselves  understood  and  appreciated  in  Washinfyton. 

To  such  an  extent  does  this  condition  prevail  that  certain 
other  sections  of  our  country,  long  used  to  controlling  the 
reins  of  government,  are  showing  signs  of  restlessness  and 
uneasiness.  Their  attitude  is  well  expressed  in  the  skeptical 
old  saying,  "Get  away  from  the  wheelbarrow  ;  what  do  you 
know  about  machinery?"  As  one  influential  Pennsylvania 
Republican  remarked  to  a  member  of  the  South  Carolina  State 
Council  of  Defense,  partly  in  jest  but  mainly  in  earnest:  "Well, 
one  thing  is  sure.  The  conduct  of  this  war  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  South.  We  entered  it  under  your  leadership  and  are  con- 
ducting it  under  your  management.  If  the  United  States  falls 
down,  it  will  be  your  fault.  The  responsibility  rests  squarely 
on  'you  air." 

Of  course,  he  overstated  the  case.  South,  North.  East,  and 
West.  Dempcrats,  Republicans,  and  Progressives. — all  are 
standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  tremendous  struggle  for 
world  freedom.  But  there  is  just  enough  truth  in  what  he  said 
to  give  food  for  thought. 

The  South  was  the  birthplace  and  cradle  of  our  national 
democracy.  On  the  anvil  of  the  South  was  forged  the  sword 
of  American  liberty.  After  the  brief  divided  years  of  the  6o's 
and  the  slow  healing  of  Reconstruction  days,  the  South  has 
grown  into  the  most  homogeneous  and  strongly  individualized 
section  of  our  country.  We  are  one  in  thought,  one  in  feeling, 
one  in  purpose.  Nowhere  does  there  throb  more  vitally  and 
enduringly  the  fine  noblesse  oblige  of  democracy,  liberty,  and 
idealism. 

South  Carolina  above  all  is  peculiarly  linked  to  the  present 
administration  by  manifold,  powerful  ties  of  allegiance,  loy- 
alty, and  love.  The  unwavering  support  and  steadfast  devo- 
tion of  our  whole  State  is  the  least  gift  we  can  bring.  If  there 
is  one  spot  in  the  United  States  where  doubt,  criticism,  divi- 
sion, and  disloyalty  should  at  present  be  unthinkable,  that  spot 
is  South  Carolina.  R.  S.,  Columbia. 


PART  III 
HOW  YOU  CAN  HELP  WIN  THE  WAR 


STOP  CRITICIZING,  CHEER  UP,  AND  GET  BUSY 

1.  Learn  ten  reasons  why  you  think  we  should  be  at  war 
and  be  prepared  to  put  forward  those  views  whenever  oppor- 
tunity offers. 

2.  Stop  criticizing  people  who  are  actively  working  for  the 
war,  whether  they  are  in  the  military  or  naval  service,  in  the 
Red  Cross  or  what  not.  Get  busy  yourself  and  let  some  one 
else  who  is  not  working  criticise  you. 

3.  Cheer  up.  We  are  going  to  have  lots  to  be  down-hearted 
about,  and  there  is  no  need  to  cross  a  bridge  before  we  get 
to  it. 

4.  Resolve  not  to  spend  a  cent  unless  it  is  necessary.  Make 
this  apply  to  your  purchases  of  personal  effects,  except  a 
moderate  amount  of  pleasure-giving  recreation.  It  is  neces- 
sary that  people  keep  sane,  and  they  have  got  to  have  some 
amusement  to  stay  sane. — Christie  Benet,  Columbia. 

HELP   THE   ALLIES    AND    SUPPORT   THE   ADMINIS- 
TRATION 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  done  wonder- 
fully well  in  the  steps  it  has  taken  in  the  limited  time  we  have 
had  towards  winning  the  war.  The  best  place  to  win  the  war 
is  by  concerted  action  with  the  Allies  on  the  other  side  of  the 
ocean,  and  the  sooner  we  get  an  adequate  number  of  men 
there  to  aid  those  who  are  in  the  field,  and  to  push  the  war  to 
its  end,  is  the  best  thing  that  can  be  done.  In  my  liumble 
judgment  no  peace  will  be  reached  until  the  Allied  troops 
invade  a  considerable  portion  of  German  territory. 

The  Council  of  Defense  in  South  Carolina  can  only  assist 
in  encouraging  enlistments,  and  supporting  the  administration, 
not  only  by  act  but  by  word,  and  build  up  a  healthy  sentiment 
in  favor  of  what  the  administration  is  doing.  No  matter  what 
differences  of  opinion  may  have  existed  when  the  war  started, 
as  to  why  we  should  go  into  it,  or  why  we  should  not  go  into 
it,  it  is  our  war  now,  and  we  must  all  stand  together. — E.  R. 
Buckingham,  Ellenton. 


82  How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War 

CARRY  OUT  EXISTING  IDEAS 

Sufficient  ideas  have  already  been  advanced  and  the  best 
work  that  can  be  done  at  this  time  by  individuals  is  to  help 
carry  through  to  success  those  ideas.  Plans  put  forth  may 
not  meet  with  each  individual's  idea,  but  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  the  greatest  good  can  be  accomplished  by  the  indi- 
vidual lending  his  best  efforts  to  make  the  plans  already  in 
operation  a  success  rather  than  to  try  and  show  that  some 
other  plan  would  be  better.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  American 
citizen  to  support  in  every  possible  way  the  present  adminis- 
tration.— Ira  B.  Dnnlap,  Rock  Hill. 

FIGHT  GERMANY  ON  THE  OTHER  SIDE 

Germany's  plan  was  to  crush  France  swiftly,  overwhelm 
Russia  at  her  leisure ;  then  having  the  channel  ports,  to  invade 
England,  which  would  have  been  easy  because  of  England's  vast 
unpreparedness.  Having  defeated  the  English  navy,  she  planned 
then  to  levy  an  indemnity  on  the  United  States  of  $125,000,- 
000,000,  half  of  the  United  States'  entire  wealth.  We  had 
better  whip  Germany  now  while  we  have  the  aid  of  England, 
France,  Russia,  Italy  and  the  others  than  be  forced  to  fight 
her  single  handed  a  few  years  hence. 

If  you  are  not  needed  in  active  service  at  the  front,  one  of 
the  best  aids  to  your  country  is  to  make  your  own  business  a 
success.  It  is  the  failure  of  her  business  interests  which  will 
crush  Germany  much  more  than  the  armies  fighting  against 
her. — William  Elliott,  Columbia. 

EVERY   MAN    NEEDED 

The  people  have  such  explicit  confidence  in  President  Wil- 
son that  they  are  prone  to  leave  the  war  in  his  hands — but 
America  "expects  every  man  to  do  his  duty" — and  every  one 
should  contribute  his  individual  thought  and  energy  to  assist- 
ing to  an  ultimate  and  lasting  peace. — Wm.  Godfrey,  Cheraiv. 

ECONOMIZE  AND  SUPPORT  THE  ADMINISTRATION 

You  can  help  to  win  the  war  by  setting  an  example  of  econ- 
omy ;  by  encouraging  the  production  and  conservation  of  those 
articles  of   food  and  clothing  which  your  land  will  produce 


How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War  83 

more  cheaply  than  you  can  buy,  but  which  you  arc  now  fool- 
ishly importing-  at  ridiculous  prices;  by  the  prevention  of 
waste  which  is  a  more  formidable  enemy  than  the  Kaiser  him- 
self, while  our  own  army  and  those  of  our  allies  arc  dependent 
on  us  for  supplies. 

By  unselfishly  lending  your  time,  talent  and  energies  to  the 
various  service  leagues  and  similar  organizations  in  your  com- 
munity. 

By  keeping  in  touch  with  the  motives  and  purposes  of  the 
administration,  and  creating  a  sentiment  of  patriotic  co-opera- 
tion and  encouragement  among  those  who  are  not  so  well 
informed;  by  discussing  with  them  intelligently  the  necessity 
for  America's  participation  in  the  war,  and  pointing  out  the 
inevitable  catastrophe  that  would  have  befallen  the  entire 
world,  including  ourselves,  as  the  result  of  a  Teutonic  victory, 
and  preaching  the  gospel  that  regardless  of  such  necessity, 
since  we  are  in  it,  we  are  in  it  to  win. — IV.  I.  Johns,  Baldock. 

STAND  BACK  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  AND  THE  ARMY 

Let  each  one  of  us  give  our  government,  its  department 
heads  and  officers  and  employees  our  earnest,  energetic  and 
loyal  support  first,  last  and  all  the  time ;  whether  we  differ  with 
them  in  the  administration  of  business  matters  or  not,  we  must 
back  them  and  help  them  solve  the  many  problems  which  now 
have  so  little  time  for  solution. 

In  State  and  city  affairs,  let  us  give  the  same  loyal  support 
to  those  who  are  in  charge  and  let  no  small  differences  of 
opinion  interrupt  good  work  for  the  community. 

In  our  industries,  let  us  keep  them  going  to  the  best  produc- 
tivity and  serve  our  customers  as  usual  and  at  the  least  ex- 
pense. 

In  our  homes,  let  us  save  on  food,  regulate  our  pleasures  and 
enjoyments,  put  in  good  shape  our  financial  affairs  and  save  in 
every  way  we  can  in  order  that  we  may  help  the  government 
by  purchasing  bonds,  subscribing  to  the  many  needs  of  the 
hour  and  furnishing  the  means  of  supplying  the  boys  at  the 
front  with  the  very  best  equipment  for  fighting  and  defending 
themselves  and  when  hurt  of  taking  care  of  them. 


84  How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War 

Above  all.  let  us  encourage  a  respect  and  affection  for  the 
great,  splendid  army  that  is  forming  to  fight  our  battles  on 
foreign  soil  for  freedom  and  the  restoration  of  those  lands 
despoiled  by  the  heel  of  the  tyrant. — /.  Ross  Hanahan,  Charles- 
ton. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA'S  DUTY  IN  THE  FOOD  SITUATION 

The  thought  prevails  that  the  issues  involved  in  the  present 
war  will  be  decided  in  favor  of  the  countries  furnishing  the  last 
crust  rather  than  the  last  soldier.  If  this  be  true,  the  responsi- 
bility placed  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  rural  people  of  the 
United  States  is  greater  than  that  ever  borne  by  any  class  of 
the  world's  citizenship  since  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

South  Carolina  is  expected  to  do  its  part  in  furnishing  bread, 
fats  and  meat  to  our  soldiers  and  those  who  are  now  fighting 
our  battles.  We  should  be  thankful  that  we  live  in  a  State  the 
natural  advantages  of  which  make  it  an  easy  task  for  us  to 
comply  with  the  sacred  demands  of  our  Government. 

The  Government  expects  us  to  increase  our  acreage  in  wheat 
in  South  Carolina  this  year  by  37  per  cent,  over  our  acreage 
of  last  year.  Last  year's  acreage  was  225,000.  A  37  per  cent, 
increase  will  give  us  a  total  of  308,250  acres.  Surely  this 
demand  will  be  cheerfully  complied  with  when  we  remember 
that  in  the  fall  of  1914  we  seeded  337,000  acres  in  wheat,  when 
the  necessity  for  this  large  acreage  was  not  so  urgent  as  it  is 
today.  Some  one  suggested  an  acre  of  wheat  to  the  plow.  As 
we  have  in  South  Carolina  only  79.847  horses  and  155,471 
mules,  making  a  total  of  235,318  plow  stock,  and  when  we 
deduct  30,000  that  are  being  used  for  other  purposes  than  for 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  we  can  understand  that  that  slogan 
cannot  be  adopted.  The  County  Councils  should  ascertain  the 
number  of  acres  of  wheat  seeded  last  season  in  each  county 
and  endeavor  to  secure  a  50  per  cent,  increase,  which  would 
very  probably  result  in  obtaining  the  increase  suggested  by 
the  Government.  The  Extension  forces  of  Clemson  College 
and  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  at  the  proper 
season,  propose  to  make  a  vigorous  campaign  in  co-operation 
with  the  State  Council  of  Defense  and  the  County  Councils  to 
obtain  the  desired  end. 


How  You  Can  Hki.i'  Win  the  War  85 

It  would  not  be  a  wise  policy  to  greatly  increase  our  wheat 
acreage  over  the  figures  suggested  by  the  Government  for  if 
this  were  done  we  would  have  to  decrease  our  acreage  in 
cotton  or  corn.  This  would  be  economically  wrong  for  the  rea- 
son that  the  average  production  of  corn  i)er  acre  in  the  State 
is  20  bushels  and  the  average  production  of  cotton  seed  is  16 
bushels  per  acre  and  the  average  production  of  wheat  is  10^ 
bushels  per  acre.  A  bushel  of  corn  and  a  bushel  of  cotton  seed 
have  as  great  a  food  value  as  a  bushel  of  wheat,  and  besides, 
cotton  seed  is  one  of  our  cheapest  sources  of  fat  and,  there- 
fore, if  we  were  to  carry  out  the  suggestion  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  increasing  our  wheat  acreage  by  37  per  cent,  we  would 
not  only  perform  our  duty  as  requested  by  our  Government 
but  we  would  act  wisely. 

The  war  has  injected  into  an  already  difficult  situation  a 
number  of  vicious  conditions  which  are  jeopardizing  the  ulti- 
mate animal  products  supply  of  the  world.  A  decrease  of  115.- 
000,000  in  the  world's  meat  producing  animals  is  shown  by  a 
comparison  of  present  with  pre-war  conditions  issued  recently 
by  the  Department  of  Agriculture  at  Washington.  While  the 
increase  of  cattle  in  the  United  States  was  7,000,000  during 
this  three-year  period,  the  total  world's  decrease  was  28,- 
000,000.  Sheep  decreased  3,000,000  in  the  United  States  and 
54,000,000  in  the  world.  Hogs  decreased  6,275.000  in  the 
United  States  and  32,425,000  in  the  world.  The  demand  made 
by  the  war  on  the  American  meat  supply  is  shown  further  in 
the  quantity  of  our  meat  exports  which  were  1.339,193,000 
pounds  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  191 6,  as  compared  with 
493,848,000  pounds  for  a  three-year  pre-war  average.  These 
exports  have  chiefly  gone  to  our  Allies  whose  capital  stock  of 
animals  has  decreased  by  33,000,000  head. 

We  have  been  dealing  with  existing  conditions  as  to  food 
animals  in  the  United  States  and  the  world.  Let's  come  a 
little  nearer  home.  In  1850,  with  a  population  of  some  500,000 
souls,  there  were  in  South  Carolina  777.686  cattle.  193.244 
dairy  cows,  1,065,503  hogs  and  285,557  sheep.  In  1910  (cen- 
sus figures)  we  had  412,278  cattle,  180,842  dairy  cows,  678.228 
hogs  and  37,928  sheep  with  a  population  of  a  million  and  a 
half  souls.     This  gave  us  one  head  of  cattle  to  every  35  acres 


86  How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War 

of  land,  one  dairy  cow  to  every  75  acres,  and  one  hog  to  every 
20  acres ;  one  dairy  cow  to  every  nine  persons  and  one  hog 
to  every  three  persons.  This  was  a  distressing  condition  before 
the  war,  but  then  we  could  expect  to  purchase  at  reasonable 
prices  our  food  and  breeding  animals  from  other  parts  of  the 
country.  What  must  we  expect  if  the  war  continues  for  a 
year  or  possibly  two  years  ?  This  situation  is  not  only  serious 
but  alarming.  This  fact  is  a  certainty,  that  the  world's  supply 
of  meat  and  dairy  products,  of  animal  fats,  is  all  involved  not 
only  now  but  far  into  the  future.  Surely  sensible  men  will  begin 
to  make  preparations  in  order  that  our  people  shall  not  be 
denied  these  prime  necessities  of  life.  Therefore,  we  should 
begin  at  once  to  increase  our  forage  crops,  pay  special  atten- 
tion to  the  development  of  pasture  lands  and  pass  a  law  in  the 
State  that  no  heifer  calf  shall  be  sold  for  slaughter  for  a  period 
of  five  years. 

Another  source  of  meat  supply  can  be  developed  in  South 
Carolina  at  exceedingly  little  cost.  Our  streams  contribute 
great  quantities  of  fish.  At  little  expense  a  great  many  farms 
are  so  situated  that  artificial  ponds  can  be  constructed  and 
with  the  co-operation  of  the  Fish  Commission  at  Washington 
these  ponds  can  be  stocked  with  the  choicest  table  fish  and 
with  some  little  care  a  bountiful  supply  of  meat  products  can 
be  secured  from  this  source.  Every  fish  eaten  is  that  much 
gain  in  solving  the  present  problem  of  living.  The  food 
products  of  the  land  are  conserved  by  eating  those  of  the 
streams.  This  is  a  matter  that  is  worth  looking  into  and  the 
Extension  Division  of  Clemson  College  is  arranging  to  take 
this  matter  up  with  the  Fish  Commission  at  W^ashington  in 
order  to  render  assistance  to  those  who  are  interested  in  con- 
structing their  private  fish  ponds. — IV.  W.  Long,  Director  of 
Extension,  Clemson  College. 

ONE  HUNDRED   PER  CENT.   LOYALTY 

AMERICANS! 

Are  you  willing  to  be  the  slaves  of  a  German  Military 
Autocracy?  If  not.  to  win  this  war  for  the  liberty  of  Democ- 
racy ;  to  make  the  world  a  safe  place  for  you  and  your  children 
to  live  in,  these  things  are  demanded  of  you  : 


How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War  87 

You  must  support  the  Government  with  100  per  cent,  of 
loyalty  and  patriotism. 

You  must  g^ive  100  per  cent,  of  service,  if  neces.sary,  in  your 
business;  and  in  your  living  100  })er  cent,  effilciencv  is  de- 
manded of  you. 

You  must  produce ;  you  must  conserve. 

You  must  be  prepared  to  make  sacrifices  again  and  again,  if 
the  barbarous  rule  of  brutal  Prussia  is  to  be  overthrown,  and 
the  war  lords  of  Imperial  Germany  crushed. — A.  C.  Phelps. 
Sumter. 

SHOW    YOUR   FAITH 

We  can  help  win  the  war  by  having  faith  in  tlie  patriotism, 
wisdom  and  efficiency  of  our  Government,  and  by  showing  that 
faith  by  our  words,  deeds  and  attitudes  at  all  times  and  under 
all  circumstances.  Such  a  showing  of  faith  will  cheer  those 
who  are  discouraged,  inspire  to  greater  effort  those  who  are 
loyal,  and  stay  the  hands  of  those  who,  in  the  soil  of  ignorance 
and  selfishness,  sow  the  yellow  seeds  of  discord  and  dissatis- 
faction.— President  IV.  M.  Riggs,  Clcmson  College. 

LOYALTY  AND   SERVICE 

We  can  win  the  war  by  true  loyalty  to  the  Government  and 
personal  sacrifice. — Frank  J.  Simmons,  Charleston. 

PRODUCE  AND  CONSERVE 

You  can  help  win  the  war  by  remembering  that  every  moment 
of  your  time  which  is  not  devoted  to  the  production  of  some- 
thing useful  or  the  conservation  of  your  health  and  energy, 
is  in  a  way  that  much  time  contributed  to  the  support  of  the 
enemy. — /.  E.  Sirrinc,  Greemnlle. 

FOOD   CONSERVATION 

It  is  conceded  that  "food  will  win  this  war."  The  campaign 
for  the  production  of  food  in  the  United  States  has  been  emi- 
nently successful.  Without  conservation  of  food,  however, 
the  entire  food  campaign  would  fail. 

In  the  conservation  of  food  we  must  begin  with  the  indi- 
vidual home.     This  is  a  vital  factor.     In  a  great  democracy 


S8  How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War 

like  the  United  States,  we  can  not  deal  with  the  consumer  as 
in  Germany,  where  nothing  is  left  to  voluntary  action.  In  our 
great  democracy  we  must  secure  the  will  or  the  voluntary  sup- 
port of  our  people. 

Herein  lies  the  necessity  of  this  campaign.  The  early  part 
of  September  a  preliminary  work  was  performed  by  the  women 
of  the  land,  some  two  million  homes  pledging  themselves  to 
support  the  National  Food  Administration,  but  as  there  are 
some  twenty  million  homes  in  America  it  can  readily  be  seen 
that  much  more  strenuous  efforts  are  necessary. 

It  was  felt  by  Mr.  Hoover  that  once  our  people  thoroughly 
understand  the  necessity  of  food  conservation  they  will 
heartily  support  the  National  Administration.  Therefore  an 
intensive  educational  campaign  is  planned,  to  be  started  on 
the  first  of  October,  this  campaign  to  close  with  a  house  to 
house  canvass  throughout  America  the  week  of  October  21st. 

To  undertake  such  a  canvass  many  volunteer  workers  are 
required.  For  instance,  in  this  State  there  are  in  round  num- 
bers 350,000  families.  To  reach  these  350.000  families  requires 
thorough  organization  in  each  county,  and  a  total  of  about 
seven  thousand  workers  for  the  State.  The  National  Adminis- 
tration expects  at  least  175,000  pledges  from  South  Carolina. 

Once  these  pledges  arc  signed  by  the  heads  of  our  families, 
they  will  be  gathered  in  Columbia,  and  used  as  a  mailing  list 
for  the  purpose  of  sending  out,  from  time  to  time,  simple 
instructions  for  the  conservation  of  food.  This  will  demon- 
strate our  democratic  unity  and  will  help  to  win  this  war. — 
A.  V.  Sncll,  Charleston. 

SUBSCRIBE  TO  THE  LIBERTY  LOAN 
The  war  to  make  the  future  of  democracy  safe  and  to  prove 
that  democracy  is  safe  will  be  won  by  every  individual,  man, 
woman  and  child,  putting  his  or  her  whole  soul  into  the  task 
at  hand  and  later,  if  called  by  the  Government,  be  ready  to 
do  more  than  a  man's  share  and  make  the  supreme  sacrifice  if 
necessary. 

There  will  be  a  great  surplus  of  money  in  South  Carolina 
this  year  as  a  result  of  the  increased  value  in  cotton ;  the  banks 
are  overloaded  with  money;  many  mortgages  are  being  satis- 


How  You  Can  Help  Win  tiik  \\  ak  89 

fied  ;  therefore  the  Liherty  Bonds  offer  the  best  outlet  for  the 
surphis  money.  It  is  better  to  buy  an  interest-bearing  Liberty 
Bond  than  to  subscribe  indefinitely  to  indemnity  bonds  which 
will  certainly  be  levied  in  the  event  that  the  German  Imperial 
Government  is  successful. — Joe  Sparks,  Columbia. 

MORE  CORN  AND  LESS  WHEAT 

While  away  last  week  in  some  of  the  big  Eastern  cities,  I 
noticed  that  people  were  eating  just  as  much  wheat  bread  as 
ever.  Corn  bread  is  not  given  any  more  publicity  than  it  was 
a  year  ago  before  we  entered  the  war.  I  would  suggest  that 
all  hotels,  restaurants  and  dining  cars  be  asked  to  serve  on  a 
bread  and  butter  order  one-half  corn  muffin  and  one-half  wheat 
bread.  A  great  many  people  prefer  corn  muffin  and  would  be 
glad  to  have  it  served  to  them,  and  a  good  many  more,  espe- 
cially in  the  Eastern  cities,  would  learn  to  like  it  if  it  were  con- 
stantly placed  before  them.  I  also  think  it  would  be  well  to 
ask  the  heads  of  all  colleges  in  this  State  to  help  carry  out  this 
suggestion  as  far  as  possible. 

The  people  are  not  alive  to  the  fact  that  we  must  save  our 
wheat  for  the  men  who  are  fighting  for  the  very  existence  of 
our  liberty,  and  we  can  not  eat  it  all  and  divide  what  we  haven't 
got  with  them.  The  people  must  be  brought  to  a  realization 
of  the  seriousness  of  this  fact,  and  I  most  earnestly  recom- 
mend that  every  extra  available  acre  be  planted  in  wheat  this 
coming  season,  and  the  people  be  urged  to  reduce  the  amount 
of  wheat  bread  that  they  are  now  consuming. — John  T. 
Stevens,  Kershaw. 

PUBLIC    HEALTH 

It  is  impossible  to  overstress  the  importance  of  clean,  v.hole- 
some  living  amid  sanitary  conditions  for  the  boys  and  girls  of 
today  so  the  men  and  women  of  tomorrow  will  be  able  to 
carry  on  the  war  and  insure  the  future  of  our  great  country. 
Boys  and  girls  in  ail  v.-alks  of  life  should  be  cared  for  as  never 
before,  for  when  peace  comes  their  tasks  will  be  immense,  and 
the  fact  that  they  are  physically  fit  and  mentallv  efficient  to 
cope  with  them  is  all  important.  Parents,  teachers,  ministers, 
doctors  and  all  in  authority  should  be  called  upon  to  see  to  this 


90  How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War 

and  made  to  realize  its  importance  to  the  nation. — Horace  L. 
Tilghman,  Marion. 

UNSELFISH    PATRIOTISM 

The  best  way  to  win  the  war  is  for  every  one  to  reahze  and 
bring  home  to  himself  the  full  importance  of  the  seriousness 
of  this  war,  and  the  fearful  consequence  and  result  if  we  do 
not  win.  Unselfishness  and  patriotism  must  prevail.  We  must 
be  as  loyal  to  America  as  the  Germans  are  to  Germany,  and 
we  must  deal  with  traitors  and  slackers  as  they  deserve.  We 
must,  all,  not  only  be  loyal,  but  every  individual  must  support 
the  Government  to  his  utmost,  and  we  must  have  active  and 
enthusiastic  co-operation  on  the  part  of  all  the  people. — Bright 
IVilliumson,  Darlington. 

HELP  THE  RED   CROSS 

One  of  the  great  duties  of  Americans  is  to  unite  in  the 
national  organizations  for  rousing  the  spirit  of  the  people  and 
for  the  care  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  and  of  families  left 
destitute  by  the  absence  or  death  of  their  supporter.  Every 
American  ought  to  join  the  Red  Cross,  an  immense  nation- 
wide organization  which  takes  the  place  occupied  by  the  Sani- 
tary Commission  during  the  Civil  War.  It  has  the  faithful  and 
untiring  aid  of  the  military,  naval  and  hospital  authorities  of 
the  government.  The  hundred  million  dollars  so  splendidly 
supplied  will  before  long  be  exhausted,  and  the  community 
must  make  up  its  mind  to  subscription  after  subscription.  Some 
people  can  aid  by  paying  their  dues  and  subscribing  other 
sums ;  some  people,  especially  the  women,  can  give  their 
thought,  their  work  and  their  powers  of  organization  to  the 
great  cause.  There  cannot  be  too  many  bandages  or  comforts 
or  supplies.  The  Red  Cross  is  well  organized  and  well  offi- 
cered, and  has  been  made  an  official  part  of  the  military  organ- 
ization of  the  country. — National  Security  League's  Hand- 
hook. 

ECONOMIZE 

Another  field  of  patriotic  effort  is  a  share  in  the  national 
duty  of  economy.  Everybody  ought  to  economize.  When  the 
taxes  are  raised,  as  they  must  be,  when  prodigious  sums  are 


How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War  91 

taken  out  of  the  available  capital  in  order  to  use  them  to  save 
the  country  by  destroying^  the  opposing;-  forces,  the  net  national 
income  will  be  that  much  reduced ;  it  is  impossible  that  every- 
body should  have  the  same  net  income  as  before.  Hence  there 
must  be  a  concerted  effort  to  club  together  to  facilitate  saving. 
This  applies  first  of  all  to  the  food  supply,  which  must  be  care- 
fully nursed ;  for  it  is  as  needful  that  our  Allies  and  the  troops 
who  are  fighting  in  the  common  cause  should  be  fed  out  of 
our  surplus  as  it  is  that  men  and  munitions  should  cross  the 
ocean.  We  Americans  have  always  had  a  great  abundance  of 
cheap  food,  and  the  average  consumption  during  the  next  few 
years  can  be  very  much  reduced  without  anybody  suffering. 
There  is  food  enough  for  all,  though  the  prices  may  be  high. 
It  is  part  of  the  duty  of  the  individual  to  aid  in  preventing 
the  taking  of  inordinate  profits  by  the  middleman,  and  in  seeing 
that  families  who  are  on  a  small  fixed  income  do  not  suffer. — 
National  Security  League's  Handbook. 

OUR  EDUCATIONAL  CREED 

1.  We  believe  in  education;  because  it  makes  us  despise  lit- 
tleness and  induces  us  to  endeavor  to  be  big  of  mind,  generous 
of  soul,  and  sound  of  body. 

2.  We  believe  in  public  education ;  because  it  best  fits  one  to 
live  the  life  of  a  free  man  in  a  free  country. 

3.  We  believe  in  education  at  public  expense,  because  it  is 
the  payment  of  a  just  debt  that  a  citizen  owes  his  State  in 
return  for  her  fostering  care  to  see  to  it  that  the  next  genera- 
tion shall  be  an  enlightened  and  educated  citizenship. 

4.  We  believe  in  compulsory  attendance  upon  the  public 
schools ;  because  ignorance  is  a  remedy  for  nothing  and 
ignorant  greed  and  selfish  arrogance  can  not  be  counted  upon 
to  give  to  every  boy  and  girl  an  equal  chance  in  life. 

5.  We  believe  in  the  education  of  the  whole  man  that  will 
produce  a  sound  body,  a  broad-gauged  mind,  and  a  generous 
soul,  crowned  with  life's  fundamental  virtues  and  graces. — 
S.  H.  Edmunds,  Sumter. 


92  How  You  Can  Help  Win  the  War 

THE  GERM  AS  DEADLY  AS  THE  GERMAN 

As  we  go  about  the  State  on  our  various  campaigns  let  us 
not  forget  to  talk  "sanitation"  when  the  opportunity  affords. 
Tuberculosis,  typhoid,  malaria  and  diarrhoea  carry  off  more 
of  our  people  in  a  year  than  will  probably  be  killed  in  the 
whole  war.  The  germ  is  as  deadly  an  enemy  as  the  German, 
and  is  no  less  a  world  menace. 

The  fly  and  the  mosquito  are  here,  doing  their  deadly  work 
today  and  are  killing  our  people  every  year  by  the  thousand. 

Let  us  not  fail  to  fight  the  enemy  within  as  well  as  the  one 
without  our  borders. — Datnd  R.  Cokcr,  Hartsville. 


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